Ma `lumot

AQShning Vetnamdan chiqishi to'liq - tarix


27 yanvar kuni AQSh va Shimoliy Vetnam Parij tinchlik bitimini imzoladilar. Uning shartlariga ko'ra, AQSh qo'shinlari Vetnamdan chiqib ketishi kerak edi. Otashkesim bo'ladi va AQSh harbiy asirlari ozod qilinadi. Ikki yil o'tgach, kommunistlar Vetnamda to'liq g'alabaga erishdilar.

1973 yil 29 mart: AQSh Vetnam urushidan chiqib ketdi

Armiya bosh serjanti Maks Bielke, Iskandariya, Minnesota shtati, AQSh kuchlarining roli rasman tugaganligi sababli 29/3/29 Vetnamni tark etgan oxirgi AQSh harbiy xizmatchisi edi. U shimoliy vyetnamlik podpolkovnik Bui Tin sovg'a qilgan o'ramni ko'tarib yuribdi. Manba: Bettmann/G.

1973 yil 29 martda so'nggi qo'shinlar ko'p yillik urushni tugatishga urinishdan so'ng Vetnamdan chiqib ketishdi. Richard Nikson 1968 yilda tinchlik va'da qilgan kampaniyada saylangan. Inauguratsiyasidan oldin Nikson 1969 yil 1 yanvarda Parij tinchlik muzokaralarida katta muzokarachi sifatida Janubiy Vetnamning sobiq elchisi Genri Kabot Lodjni nomzod qilib ko'rsatdi. Genri Kissinger bilan almashtirildi. Tinchlik muzokaralari 25 -yanvardan boshlandi. Biroq AQSh 22 -yanvar kuni, Vyetnamda yana bir dengiz piyodalari kampaniyasini boshladi, tinchlik muzokaralari boshlanishidan oldin, "Dewey Canyon" operatsiyasi.


55e. Cheklangan yillar


1968 yilgi "May Lai" qirg'inining so'zsiz dahshati, tadqiqotchi jurnalist Seymur Xers 1969 yil noyabr oyida o'z xulosalarini e'lon qilmaguncha, Amerika jamoatchiligiga oshkor qilinmadi. Qirg'inning guvohi bo'lgan yoki qatnashgan qo'shinlarning so'zlariga ko'ra, "Mening uyimni yo'q qilish to'g'risida" buyruq berilgan. Lai va undagi hamma narsa. " 300 dan ortiq tinch aholi o'ldirildi va qishloqning o'zi yonib ketdi.

Prezident Nikson Amerikaning Vetnamdagi ishtirokini to'xtatishni rejasi bor edi.

1969 yilda Oq uyga kirganida, u Amerika urushi muvaffaqiyatsiz tugayotganini bilardi. Katta harbiy kuch ijobiy natija berishi mumkin edi, lekin hech qanday kafolat yo'q edi. Amerika xalqi kundan kunga har qanday eskalatsiyani qo'llab -quvvatlashga tayyor emasdi.

Amerikaning darhol chiqib ketishi Janubiy Vetnamda kommunistik bo'lmagan ittifoqchilarning mag'lubiyatiga olib keladi. Nikson keyinchalik Vetnamlashtirish deb nomlanuvchi rejani e'lon qildi. Qo'shma Shtatlar asta -sekin qo'shinlarini Janubi -Sharqiy Osiyodan olib chiqib ketar edi, chunki amerikalik harbiylar tobora ko'proq janglarni Vetnam Respublikasi armiyasiga topshirishardi. Nazariy jihatdan, Janubiy Vyetnam o'zlarini himoya qila boshlagach, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari askarlari Saygonni kommunistik qo'lga kiritmasdan uylariga qaytishlari mumkin edi.

Qo`shinlarni olib chiqish urushga qarshi harakatni to`xtata olmadi. Namoyishchilar zudlik bilan va to'liq ketishni xohlashdi. Vyetnam va uydagi voqealar namoyishchilarga katta kuch berdi.

1970 yil bahorida prezident Nikson qo'shni Kambodjaga vaqtincha bostirib kirishini e'lon qildi. Kambodja texnik jihatdan neytral bo'lsa -da, Xo Chi Min izi uning hududi bo'ylab cho'zilgan. Nikson yo'l bo'yida joylashgan Vetkong bazalarini bombardimon qilishni buyurdi.

Kent shtati va My Lai qirg'inlari

Tinchlik tarafdorlari g'azablanishdi. Ular Nikson urushni va'da qilinganidek kamaytirmay kengaytirayotganini da'vo qilishdi. Amerika bo'ylab norozilik namoyishlari bo'lib o'tdi.

Kent shtati universitetida talabalar norozilik namoyishi uyushtirdi. Talabalar shaharchasida joylashgan ROTC binosi yonib ketdi va mahalliy mulk yo'q qilindi. Ogayo gubernatori tartibni saqlash uchun Milliy gvardiyani yubordi. Qo'riqchi va talabalar o'rtasida keskinlik va tartibsizlik holati paydo bo'ldi. Bir nechta askarlar miltiqlarini o'qqa tutdilar, natijada to'rt talaba halok bo'ldi va yana bir necha kishi yaralandi. Bu Kent shtatidagi qirg'in deb nomlandi.


Bu B-52 bombardimonchi 1968 yil portlash paytida tushirilgan fotosurat fonida va mdash Xanoydagi kichik hovuzda o'tirgan. Yiqilgan samolyotni gavjum bozorlar o'rab oladi va bu joy mashhur sayyohlik joyiga aylandi.

Keyingi yili Amerika jamoatchiligi My Lai qirg'ini haqida bilib oldi. 1968 yilda amerikalik askarlar My Lai qishlog'ida bir necha yuz ayollar va bolalarga o'q uzdilar. Bu qanday sodir bo'lishi mumkin? Kichik qishloqlardan Vetkong partizanlik harakatining boshlanishi g'ayrioddiy emas edi. Bundan tashqari, AQSh qo'shinlari charchagan, qo'rqqan va adashgan.

Avvaliga buyruq bergan leytenant, kichik Uilyam L. Kalli qotillikda aybdor deb topildi, ammo keyinchalik qaror bekor qilindi. Axloqiy g'azab urushga qarshi harakatni qamrab oldi. Ular amerikalik askarlar begunoh dehqonlarni qanday o'ldirayotganiga misol sifatida My Lai -ni keltirdilar.

Pentagon hujjatlari

1971 yilda Nyu-York Taymsda Vetnamda hukumatning ishtiroki tarixining maxfiy sharhi bo'lgan Pentagon hujjatlaridan parchalar chop etildi. Daniel Ellsberg ismli tadqiqot ishtirokchisi Amerika jamoatchiligi ba'zi sirlarni bilishi kerak deb hisobladi, shuning uchun u matbuotga ma'lumot tarqatdi. Pentagon hujjatlari Jonson ma'muriyati tomonidan Amerika jamoatchiligining yuqori darajadagi aldashini aniqladi.


Shimoliy Vetnam armiyasi 1975 yil aprelda Saygonni egallab oldi va poytaxt Xoshimin shahrini o'zgartirdi. Aynan o'sha paytda Vetnamda qolgan amerikalik oxirgi xodimlar qochishga majbur bo'lishdi.

Vetnamdagi harbiy vaziyat haqida e'lon qilingan ko'plab bayonotlar haqiqatga to'g'ri kelmaydi, shu jumladan, hatto Tonkin ko'rfazida Amerika dengiz kemalarini ham bombardimon qilmagan bo'lishi mumkin. Haqiqat va hukumat aytgan haqiqat o'rtasidagi ishonch tafovutining oshishi ko'plab amerikaliklarning urushga nisbatan yanada befarq qarashlariga sabab bo'ldi.

1972 yil dekabrgacha Nikson Shimoliy Vetnam shaharlarini, shu jumladan Xanoyni bombardimon qilishni kuchaytirishga qaror qildi. U bu tashabbus Shimoliy Vetnamni tinchlik stoliga turtki bo'lishiga umid qildi. 1973 yil yanvar oyida sulh tuzildi va qolgan Amerika jangovar qo'shinlari olib tashlandi. Nikson shartnomani "sharaf bilan tinchlik" deb atadi, lekin u Janubiy Vetnam armiyasi nazoratni saqlab qolishda qiyinchiliklarga duch kelishini bilardi.

Shimol tez orada janubga hujum qildi va 1975 yil aprelda Saygonni egallab oldi. Vetnam bir kommunistik davlatga birlashdi. Saygon Xoshimin nomini oldi. Kambodja va Laos tez orada o'z kommunistik tuzumlarini ta'qib qildilar. AQSh Vetnamdan nihoyat chiqib ketdi. Ammo uning mintaqadagi har bir siyosiy maqsadi muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi.


AQSh qo'shinlarining Afg'onistondan chiqarilishida Janubiy Vetnam soyalari

Yaqinlashib kelayotgan AQShning chiqib ketishi Afg'onistonni toliblar tomonidan yangi nazorat ostida qolishi mumkin.

Vetnamning Xoshimin shahridagi Janubiy Vetnam va sobiq prezident saroyi.

Kobuldagi oxirgi portlash - 68 kishi halok bo'lgan va 165 kishi jarohatlangan maktabda - urushlar tugashidan ko'ra boshlash osonroq ekanligini eslatib turadi. Qurbonlarning ko'pchiligi maktab o'quvchilari edi, bu klassik terror hujumi, xuddi ma'nosiz bo'lganidek, qonli edi.

U Qo'shma Shtatlar va uning ittifoqchilari tomonidan harbiy kuchlarni olib chiqib ketishi, Usama bin Ladin uchun boshpana bergan va hanuzgacha Afg'oniston ustidan hukmronlik qilishni istagan ultra-pravoslav musulmonlar bo'lgan Tolibon bilan o'tkazilgan marafon muzokaralaridan keyin tezlashayotgan paytda portlatilgan.

1970 -yillardagi hind -xitoy urushlari faxriylari buni yaxshi bilishadi. Afg'oniston 1973 yilda prezident Richard Nikson AQSh qo'shinlarini olib chiqqanidan keyin Janubiy Vetnam yo'lini bosib o'tishini oldindan bilishning asl ma'nosi bor.

Shimoliy Vetnam tinchlik shartnomasini zudlik bilan va qat'iy ravishda buzdi va Saygon taxminan 18 oy o'tgach kommunistlarning qo'liga o'tdi, bu qochqinlar oqimini va janubiy vetnamliklarni totalitar boshqaruvga bo'ysundirdi.

Kichik iste'fodagi general Jozef F. Dunford boshchiligidagi Afg'oniston tadqiqot guruhi "AQShdan 2001 yilgi hujumlarga va keyinchalik Afg'onistonga bostirib kirishga olib kelgan" terrorizm tahdidining qayta tiklanishiga olib kelishi mumkin ", deb ogohlantirdi. , 18 oydan uch yilgacha.

Ammo Janubiy Vetnam va Afg'onistonning ahvoli o'rtasida keskin farqlar mavjud, ular qo'shnilari, xususan, Pokistonga aralashishga moyil emas.

Afg'onistondagi amerikalik qo'shinlar soni 3500 ga yaqin, pudratchilar va yana 7000 askar, asosan NATO mamlakatlari va Avstraliyadan.

Diplomat haqida qisqacha ma'lumot

Haftalik axborot byulleteni

Haftaning hikoyasi va Osiyo-Tinch okeani bo'ylab tomosha qilish uchun hikoyalar haqida ma'lumot oling.

Bu juda oz son, lekin ular Afg'oniston kuchlari bilan birlashganda, to'laqonli militsionerlar hisoblangan 3 ming kishilik Tolibonga va yana 7000 part-time ishchilariga qarshi samarali ekanligini isbotladilar.

Taqqoslash uchun, Nikson 69,000 amerikalik qo'shinlarini Janubiy Vetnamdan olib chiqdi, chunki shimoliy vyetnamliklar chegaraning janubida 150 mingdan ortiq askarlari va Vetkong deb nomlanuvchi mahalliy kommunistik qo'shinlari borligini yaxshi bilardi.

1975 yilda Saygon kommunistlar qo'liga o'tganidan va bir yil o'tib Janubiy Vetnam rasmiy ravishda qo'shib olinganidan beri, yozuvchilar, tarixchilar va chap qanot siyosatchilar Vyetnamni "mag'lubiyat" deb e'lon qilib, jarohatlariga tuz sepishga tayyor bo'lishdi. "AQSh kuchlari uchun.

Haqiqat shundaki, amerikaliklar siyosiy sabablarga ko'ra mashhur bo'lmagan Hind -Xitoy urushlaridan vatanlariga qaytishni xohlashdi. Ular o'z ittifoqchilaridan voz kechishdi va natijada kommunistik kuchlar qo'lida Janubiy Vetnam, Kambodja va Laos mag'lubiyatga uchradi.

Sayg'on, Pnompen va Vientiane bu ishni yolg'iz o'zi davom ettirishga va dushmanga qarshi mudofaani saqlab qolishga qodir bo'lmaganda, ularning AQShga qaramligi juda katta edi.

Buni Vetnam va Afg'onistonda jang qilgan, ikkala urushni ham "beg'ubor" va mahalliy ittifoqchilarini jang maydonida qoldirgan, kelgan dushmanning qasos olish ehtimoli bo'lgan Don Nikola, aniq aytgan edi.

"Vetnamda sodir bo'lgan voqea xuddi shu erda sodir bo'ladi", dedi Nikolas Wall Street Journal nashriga. "Ular biz buyuk ishlarni bajardik deyishadi ... men hech narsaga erishmadik deyman."

Bu Afg'onistonda bo'ladimi yoki yo'qmi, hozircha aniq emas. Tolibon bu mamlakatni hech qachon nazorat qilmagan, lekin Afg'onistonning eski fikri bor: "Kobulni boshqargan odam Afg'onistonni nazorat qiladi", va chiqib ketish tugagandan so'ng poytaxt ularning nishoni bo'ladi.

Agar kerak bo'lsa, samolyotlar, shu jumladan dronlar yordamida qo'llab -quvvatlanadigan operatsiyalarga yordam beradigan va boshqaradigan kichik kuch qoladi degan taxminlar bor.

Bu qaror AQSh prezidenti Jo Baydenga tegishli.

Oxirgi portlash - shia va hazara ozchiliklarini nishonga olgan - Tolibon ayblanmoqda, ular buni rad etishmoqda. Ammo bu hali ham AQShning birinchi qo'shinlari qo'nganidan 20 yil o'tib, afg'on urushlari hali tugamaganligini eslatadi. Ular qolishlari kerak.

Lyuk Xant - Vetnam urushi, "Punji tuzog'i" kitobining muallifi. Shuningdek, u 1998-99 yillarda Agence France-Presse agentligining Kobul byurosi boshlig'i bo'lib ishlagan va mojaroni yoritish uchun bir necha bor qaytib kelgan. Uni Twitterda @lukeanthonyhunt orqali kuzatib borish mumkin.

Muallif

Lyuk Xant

Lyuk Xant - Janubi -Sharqiy Osiyo uchun muxbir Diplomat va jurnalistika sohasida 25 yildan ortiq ishlagan.


Vetnam urushi: eskalatsiya va chekinish, 1968-1975

1969 yil aprelda Xyue sharqida, Dien Bay qishlog'i yaqinida Vetkong qirg'ini qurbonlari eksgumatsiya qilinayotgan ommaviy qabrga tikilib turgan janubiy vetnamlik yosh ayol og'zini berkitdi. Ayol ’ eri, otasi va akasi Tet hujumidan beri yo'qolgan va kommunistik kuchlar tomonidan o'ldirilganlar orasida bo'lishdan qo'rqishgan.

Haqiqatan ham, vyetnamliklar shunchalik ko'p askarlarini yo'qotdilarki, PAVN urushni boshqarishni o'z zimmasiga oldi. Biroq, Tet hujumi Shimoliy Vetnam va uning janubiy tarafdorlari uchun katta strategik yutuq edi. AQSh va ARVNning yo'qotishlari katta edi va janglar minglab qochqinlarni keltirib chiqardi, bu esa janubni yanada beqarorlashtirdi. Eng muhimi, ommaviy kutilmagan hujum va Saygon suratlari natijasida AQSh matbuoti va jamoatchiligi Jonson ma'muriyatining muvaffaqiyatga bo'lgan ishonchiga qarshi chiqa boshladi va tobora qimmatlashib borayotgan urushning qiymatiga shubha qila boshladi.

1968 yil 30 -yanvarda Vetnamning Da Nang aviabazasi yaqinida snayperlar o'qi ostida qolgan raketa zarbasidan so'ng, AQSh havo politsiyasi o'z jipini yopib qo'ydi. Yong'inlar partizanlarning kirib kelishini aniqlashni osonlashtirish uchun Da Nang maydonini yoritadi.

Tet hujumi bilan bir vaqtda, Xe Sani qamal qilish, urushning cheksiz, qimmat va ma'nosiz kurash sifatida tasvirini ko'rsatdi. 1968 yil 20 -yanvardan 14 -aprelgacha 30-40 ming NVA kuchlari Janubiy Vetnamning shimoli -g'arbiy burchagidagi Xe Sanh tepaligidagi baland tog'li postda AQShning 6000 dengiz piyodalari va ARVNni qurshab oldi. Qo'shma Shtatlar artilleriya va havo kuchlaridan, shu jumladan B -52 zarbalaridan foydalanib, qamalni buzdi va NVAni olib ketishga majbur qildi. Iyun oyi oxirida dengiz piyodalari DMZ hududida jangovar harakatning yanada harakatchan shaklini qabul qilish uchun bazadan voz kechishdi. Yana bir bor, katta kelishuv ko'rinmas natijalarga olib keldi.

1968 yil mart oyida Jonson AQShning Vetnamdagi sa'y -harakatlari oqlanishi mumkin bo'lgan darajada o'sdi degan qarorga keldi. Westmoreland va JCS raisi general Earle G. Wheelerning 206 ming kishiga ko'proq iltimosiga binoan, prezident o'zining yangi mudofaa vaziri Klark Klifforddan siyosatni batafsil ko'rib chiqishni so'radi. Jonsonning fikricha, "donishmandlar", tashqi maslahatchilar guruhi, sobiq davlat kotibi Din Acheson va general Omar Bredli kabi boshqa maslahatchilar guruhi, qo'shimcha o'sishlarni tavsiya qilmaganida, chegaraga erishilganini his qilishdi.

Prezident atigi 13,500 askarga ruxsat berdi va Tieu va Kyga o'z kuchlari ko'proq janglarni olib borishi kerakligini aniq aytdi. Keyin u 1968 yil 31 martda televidenie orqali Qo'shma Shtatlar Shimoliy Vetnamni bombardimon qilishni cheklab qo'yishini va Xanoy bilan muzokara yo'li bilan hal qilinishini e'lon qildi. Jonson, shuningdek, qayta saylanishga urinmasligini ma'lum qildi.

Saygon jangi, birinchi hujum, 1968 yil 10 -fevral

Bu orada Janubiy Vetnamda janglar davom etdi. 1968 yilda Vetnamda 14000 dan ortiq amerikaliklar halok bo'lgan, bu AQShning yillik urushdagi eng yuqori o'limi. AQShning eng dahshatli urush jinoyati 1968 yil 16 martda sodir bo'lgan (1969 yil 6 -noyabrgacha matbuotda oshkor qilinmagan), amerikalik piyoda askarlar My Lai qishlog'ida qarshilik ko'rsatmagan 500 ga yaqin tinch aholi vakillarini, shu jumladan chaqaloqlarni ham qatl qilishgan.

1968 yil aprel va may oylarida AQShning 110 ming va ARVN qo'shinlari bilan urushning eng yirik quruqlikdagi operatsiyasi Saygon yaqinidagi Vetkong va NVA kuchlarini nishonga oldi. Tinchlik muzokaralari 13 may kuni Parijda boshlangan, ammo darrov tiqilib qolgan. 1968 yil 10 -iyunda general Creighton Abrams Westmorelanddan keyin MACV qo'mondoni bo'ldi. Kuzda Abrams AQSh strategiyasini yo'q qilishdan birlashgan operatsiyalarga, tinchlanish zonasi xavfsizligiga va "Vetnamlashtirish" deb ataladigan narsaga, ya'ni ARVNni ko'proq janglarga tayyorlashga qaratdi.

Vetnam Respublikasi bayrog'i eski qo'rg'ondagi asosiy mustahkamlangan bino minorasi tepasida ko'tariladi, 1968 yil fevral oyida Tet hujumi paytida jip Xyudagi ariq ustidagi ko'prikni kesib o'tadi.

Richard M. Nikson 1969 yilda prezident bo'lganida, AQShning urush harakatlari katta bo'lib qoldi, ammo eskalatsiyaning asosiy qaroriga allaqachon erishilgan edi. Nikson o'zining siyosiy g'alabasini saylovchilarning urushni qandaydir tarzda tugatishini kutgani uchun qarzdor edi. U va uning asosiy tashqi siyosat maslahatchisi Genri Kissinjer AQShning chekinishini rad etishdi. Quruqlikdagi urush to'xtab qolgach, yangi ma'muriyat tobora havo bombardimoniga o'tdi va havo urushini neytral Kambodjaga yashirincha kengaytirdi.

Oq uy iyun oyida 25,000 AQSh qo'shinlarining birinchi chiqarilishini e'lon qildi va Vetnamlashtirishni e'lon qildi. Aslida, Janubiy Vetnam qurolli kuchlari muammoli bo'lib qoldi. Janubni kuchaytirish uchun ma'muriyat matbuotga havodan va shimolga dengiz hujumi, ehtimol yadroviy qurol bilan bo'lishini aytdi. Kissinjer Parijda Shimoliy Vetnam vakillari bilan yashirin uchrashuvlar boshlagan va diplomatik yutuqlarga umid qilgan.

Vetnamlik bola quloqlarini o'q otishidan himoya qilib, 1968 yil 31 yanvarda Da Nang ko'chasida yashirinib yotgan paytda, o'lik fuqaro yonida yotadi.

Amerika qo'shinlarining ma'naviyati va intizomi 1969 yilda pasayib ketdi, chunki quruqlik urushining foydasizligi va AQShning chekinishining boshlanishi aniq bo'ldi. May oyida o'n kun davom etgan shiddatli jangdan so'ng, 101 -havo -desant diviziyasining (Air Mobile) piyodalari A Shau vodiysidagi tizmani Gamburger tepaligi deb atashdi. Jasorat bilan jang qilib, katta yo'qotishlarga duch kelgan askarlar tez orada bu joyni tark etgach, achchiqlanishdi.

Taraqqiyotni ko'ra olmaslik va qo'shinlarning uydagi siyosatchilar urushdan voz kechayotgani haqidagi xabardorlik harbiy samaradorlikni pasayishiga yordam berdi. O'n ikki oylik xizmat safaridan omon qolish ko'plab askarlar uchun yagona turtki bo'ldi. Itoatsizlik, qo'zg'olon, ofitserlarga halokatli hujumlar, giyohvandlik, irqiy ziddiyat va boshqa jiddiy muammolar ko'paygan.

AQSh dengiz piyodalari va Vetnam qo'shinlari 1968 yil 26 fevralda kommunistik qo'lidan tortib olingan Vyetnamning Xue shahridagi eski qal'a hududidagi Imperator saroyi hududidan o'tib ketishadi. Katta zarar 25 kun davomida qabul qilingan maydonni artilleriya, havo va minomyot bilan urish natijasida vujudga kelgan.

Ommaviy norozilik, vetnamlashtirishning sekin sur'ati va diplomatik umidsizliklarga duch kelgan Nikson 1970 yil aprelda AQSh bo'linmalarini jasorat bilan Kambodjaga jo'natdi. AQSh harbiy rahbarlari uzoq vaqtdan beri betaraf Kambodjaning Vetkong va NVA kuchlari bilan ta'minlangani haqida shikoyat qilishgan. Bu Kambodjaning bosqini iyun oyining oxirigacha davom etdi va ba'zi taktik yutuqlarni ta'minladi, lekin ayni paytda Qo'shma Shtatlardagi Vetnam urushiga qarshi harakati tomonidan urushning boshqa davlatga kengayishi kabi keskin qarama -qarshiliklar va namoyishlarni keltirib chiqardi. 1970 yil tugagach, AQSh qo'shinlarining qisqarishi janubda atigi 334,600 kishi bilan davom etdi.

1971 yilda Nikson ko'p narsaga qodir edi. Ichki tanqidchilarga javoban, u AQSh qo'shinlariga uyga buyruq berishni davom ettirdi, dekabrgacha atigi 156 ming kishi qoldi. Vetnamlashtirishni qo'llab -quvvatlash uchun AQShning Laos va Kambodjadagi kommunistik etkazib berish liniyalariga qarshi kuchli havo hujumlari davom etdi va himoyalanmagan hujumlar Demilitarizatsiyalangan zonaning shimolida, Xanoy va uning port shahri Xayfong yaqinidagi harbiy nishonlarga urildi. Taktik havo yordami davom etdi, eng og'ir mart oyida Janubiy Vetnamning Laosga hujumi paytida. Lam Son 719 nomli kod, bu operatsiya ARVN tomonidan chalkash chekinish bilan yakunlandi, bu esa Vetnamlashtirish tushunchasini yanada bo'g'ib qo'ydi.

O'lgan amerikalik askarlar birinchi o'rinda, AQSh harbiy politsiyasi 1968 yil 31 yanvarda, Tet hujumining birinchi kunida, AQShning Saygondagi konsulligi kiraverishidagi devor ortida devorni yopdi. kelishilgan kommunistik hujumning dastlabki soatlaridagi qo'shma.

1971 yil davomida Kissinjer yashirin muzokaralarda oldinga siljish qildi va Sayg'on hukumati kelajagini muhokama qilishdan o't o'chirish tartibini ajratishni taklif qildi. 1972 yilda Nikson diplomatik tashabbuslar bilan Xitoy va SSSRga safar qilib, Xanoyni etkazib beruvchilardan ajratishga harakat qildi. 100 mingga yaqin Amerika kuchlarining qisqarishi bilan (faqat kichik bir qismi jangovar qo'shinlardan iborat) General Giap 1972 yil bahorida kommunistik kuchlar tomonidan Janubiy Vetnamning shimoliy provinsiyalariga, Markaziy tog'lar va Sayg'on shimoli -g'arbidagi provinsiyalarga hujum boshladi.

Ko'pgina janglarda ARVN katta B -52 bombardimonlari yordamida qutqarildi. Nikson, shuningdek, Linebacker deb nomlangan kampaniyada Shimoliy Vetnamga qarshi og'ir bombardimonchilarni ishga tushirdi va Qo'shma Shtatlar Xayfong portini minalashtirdi. Urush davomida AQShning Ikkinchi jahon urushida Germaniya, Italiya va Yaponiyaga tashlagan umumiy bombardimon tonnasi ancha oshdi.

Janubiy Vetnam jangovar politsiyasi 1968 yil 19 -fevralda Saygon shimoli -sharqida yonayotgan bino tomon oldinga intiladi, ular Vetnam Kong kuchlari bilan jang qilar ekan, bu hududda bir necha shahar bloklarini egallab olishgan.

Janglarning so'nggi turidan charchagan Qo'shma Shtatlar va Shimoliy Vetnam hukumatlari oktyabr oyida sulh tuzish, AQSh harbiy asirlarini qaytarish, hech bo'lmaganda Tie hukumatining vaqtincha davom etishi va, eng munozarali tomoni, ruxsat olish to'g'risida kelishib oldilar. NVA qo'shinlari janubda qoladi. Tieu e'tirozlari Niksonni ikkilanishga olib keldi, bu esa o'z navbatida Xanoyni o'z pozitsiyasini qattiqlashtirishga olib keldi.

Dekabr oyida Qo'shma Shtatlar yana Shimoliy Vetnamga B -52 hujumlari bilan zarba berdi, kodli Linebacker II va jurnalistlar tomonidan Rojdestvo portlashi. 1973 yil 27 yanvarda Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari, Shimoliy Vetnam, Janubiy Vetnam va NLF vakili Vaqtinchalik Inqilobiy Hukumat Vetnamda urushni tugatish va tinchlikni tiklash bo'yicha Parij tinchlik bitimlarini imzoladilar, bu asosan oktyabr shartlarini tasdiqladi.

Vetnamlik mahbus 1968 yil 11 fevralda Saygon-Cholondagi ko'cha jangidan keyin o'ldirilgan 11 partizan murdasining yonida o'tiribdi. Orqa tarafda turar-joy hududida o'ralgan Vetnam Kong vzvodini mag'lub etgan Vyetnam dengiz piyodalari bor. Keyinchalik mahbusni so'roq qilish uchun olib ketishdi.

1973 yil 1 aprelga kelib, AQSh qo'shinlari Vetnamdan chiqib ketishdi (elchixonaning bir nechta soqchilari va attashlari bundan mustasno) va 587 harbiy asirlar uylariga qaytishdi (2500 ga yaqin boshqa amerikaliklar bedarak yo'qolgan). Kongress Kambodjadagi havo urushi uchun mablag 'ajratdi va avgust oyida u erda portlashlar tugadi. 1973 yil noyabr oyida Kongo "Vetnam urushi to'g'risida" rezolyutsiyani qabul qildi. Bu Kongress roziligisiz AQSh kuchlarini dushmanlik harakatlariga joylashtirish uchun prezidentlik huquqini cheklab qo'ydi.

Nikson 1973 yildagi Parij tinchlik bitimlarini "sharaf bilan tinchlik" deb ta'rifladi, lekin birinchi navbatda ular AQSh harbiylariga mamlakatning siyosiy kelajagi masalasini hal qilmasdan Vetnamni tark etishga ruxsat berishdi. AQSh havo va quruqlik yordamisiz Janubiy Vetnamning harbiy mudofaasi tobora yomonlashib bordi. 1975 yilning bahorida Markaziy tog'li hududlarga NVA -ni kiritish ARVN yo'nalishiga aylandi. 30 aprel kuni NVA va Vietkong askarlari shaharga kirganda, qolgan oxirgi amerikaliklar vertolyotlar yordamida tomdan dramatik evakuatsiya qilishda AQShning Saygondagi elchixonasini tark etishdi.

Milliy politsiya boshlig'i, janubiy vetnamlik general Nguyen Ngok Loan, 1968 yil 1 fevralda, Tet hujumining boshida, Saygon ko'chasida Vyetkong gumon qilinayotgan ofitser Nguyen Van Lemning boshiga o'q otdi. . Lem o'sha kuni Janubiy Vetnam politsiyachilarini nishonga olgan o'lim guruhini boshqarganlikda gumon qilingan. Ushbu fotosuratning shuhrati 1975 yilda jimgina AQShga ko'chib o'tib, Virjiniyada pizza do'konini ochgan Nguyen Ngok Loan uchun sharmandali hayotga olib keldi. Bu rasm haqida ko'proq o'qing .

AQShning Vetnamdagi muvaffaqiyatsizligi muhim savollarni tug'dirdi. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari umuman urush olib borishi kerakmi? Qo'shma Shtatlar urushga noto'g'ri yo'l tutdimi? Ko'pgina tahlilchilar Vetnamning strategik ahamiyati haddan tashqari oshirib yuborilgan deb hisoblashadi va bundan tashqari, Vetnam tarixi va siyosatiga olib keladigan millatchilik AQSh harbiy kuchlari tomonidan qanchalik katta bo'lmasin o'zgartirib bo'lmaydi.

Muqobil nuqtai nazar, hatto AQSh muvaffaqiyatiga erishish ehtimoli kam bo'lsa ham, Qo'shma Shtatlar dunyoda o'zining ma'naviy va strategik ishonchini saqlab qolish uchun harakat qilishi kerak edi. Urush qanday olib borildi, degan savolga AQShning harbiy kuchidan etarlicha va samarali foydalanganligi haqidagi munozaralar asos bo'ladi. Ba'zi tanqidchilar, AQSh kuchlarini Shimoliy Vetnamga qarshi yoki Janubiy Vetnamdagi jang maydonini izolyatsiya qilish uchun ko'proq ishlatish g'alaba qozongan bo'lardi, deb ta'kidlaydilar.

Ammo butun mojaro davomida Saygon rejimi harbiy muvaffaqiyatni siyosiy muvaffaqiyatga aylantira olmasligini isbotladi. Bundan tashqari, AQShning katta yordami Shimoliy Vetnam va Vyetnamning Janubiy Vetnam vyetnamlik emas, balki amerikalik ijod ekanligi haqidagi da'volarini isbotlab berganday tuyuldi. Nihoyat, katta urush Xitoy va Sovet Ittifoqi bilan xavfli harbiy mojaroga olib kelishi mumkin edi. Ko'pgina olimlar Vetnam urushi fojiali voqea bo'lgan, degan xulosaga kelishdi, uning xarajatlari Qo'shma Shtatlar uchun har qanday imtiyozlardan oshib ketdi.

1968 yil 15 martda AQSh 9 -piyoda diviziyasining Mobil daryo kuchlarida hujum qayiqlari, Saygondan 35 mil janubi -g'arbda, Dong Tam yaqinidagi Mekong deltasining qo'li bo'lgan My Tho daryosi bo'ylab sirg'alib o'tdi.

Politsiya 1968 yil 17 martda Londonning Grosvenor maydonidagi AQSh elchixonasi oldida Vetnam urushiga qarshi namoyishchilar bilan kurashmoqda.

Vashington shtatining Takoma shtatidagi Dengizchi Lens oftalmali yelek kiyib, kunni 1968 yil 5 martda Vetnamning Xe Sanh bazasidagi xandaqdagi sochini olish bilan boshlaydi. Ball dubulg'ani lavabo va harbiy mashinadan olingan orqa oynadan foydalanadi.

Vyetnamlik ayollar, Saygon ko'chalarida, 1968 yil aprel.

AQSh dengiz piyodalari jasadlari 1968 yil aprel oyida Xe Sanxdan taxminan ikki yarim mil g'arbda, 689 tepaligida ko'milgan. Shimoliy Vetnam qo'shinlari tepalik uchun jang qilganidan keyin dengiz piyoda askarlari orqa fonda qo'riqchilar.

Hamkasblar yarador o'rtoqlarga yordam berayotganda, A kompaniyasining birinchi serjanti, 101-chi bo'linma, 1968 yil aprel oyida Hue yaqinidagi besh kunlik patrul paytida qurbonlarni olish uchun o'rmon barglari bo'ylab medevak vertolyotini boshqaradi.

1968 yil 7 mayda Saygonning janubi -g'arbiy qismidan tutun ko'tariladi, chunki aholi Vetnam Kong va Janubiy Vetnam askarlari o'rtasidagi og'ir janglardan qochish uchun poytaxtga ketayotgan ko'prik bo'ylab oqadi.

1968 yil may oyida Saygon shimolida Vetnam urushining ikkinchi hujumida zo'ravonlik dalillari.

AQSh askari 1968 yil iyun oyida Saygondagi yonayotgan bino yonidan o'tib ketdi.

AQSh Prezidenti Lindon B. Jonson 1968 yil 31-iyulda Oq uyda kuyovi kapitan Charlz Robbning magnitafonini tinglaydi. Robb o'sha paytda Vetnamda AQSh dengiz piyodalari korpusi qo'mondoni bo'lgan. Robb keyinchalik "Bronza yulduzi" mukofotiga sazovor bo'ldi va uyga qaytgach, 1982 yilda Virjiniya gubernatori, keyinroq o'sha shtat senatori bo'ldi.

1968 yil 28 -avgustda AQSh maxsus kuchlarining Saygondan 60 mil shimoli -g'arbda joylashgan Katum shahri yaqinida ikkita napalm tomchisi portladi. Napalm Vetnam lageriga hujum qilganida ishlatilgan.

Bir necha kun soqol o'sgan AQSh dengiz piyodasi, 1968 yil 18 -iyulda Janubiy Vetnamdagi qurolsizlantirilgan zonaning janubiy chekkasidagi Kon -Teyn yaqinidagi qo'nish zonasidan olib kelingan vertolyotda o'tirdi. DMZ atrofida mintaqani patrul qilish.

Hue g'arbidagi o'rmon tepaligidan 100 fut balandlikda uchib, 1968 yil 14-avgustda beshta yirik C-123 va#8221 provayderlari kimyoviy defoliant purkagichini to'kib tashladilar. Samolyotlar AQSh havo kuchlari ekipajlari tomonidan o'zlarini "#" laqabini olgan. Qo'llar 8220. ” Samolyot maxsus 11000 funt gerbitsidga ega bo'lgan 1000 gallonli katta tanklar bilan jihozlangan. AQSh samolyotlari urush paytida Vetnamga millionlab galon kimyoviy defoliant tashladilar.

Dengiz piyodalari 105 mmlik Govitserlarni kunning oxirida harakatga tayyorlaydilar, u erda Xyuning g'arbiy qismidagi o'rmonzor zich kesilgan va 1969 yil 18 fevralda bu hududni tozalash uchun o't o'chirish tayanchiga aylangan. Qo'shinlar portlovchi moddalarni ishlatgan. va tunda qurol o'chirish bazasiga aylangan qurol quduqlari va bunkerlarni kesish uchun er ko'chirish uskunalari.

1969 yil 22 -yanvarda Mekong deltasidagi Cao Lanh yaqinidagi Vetkong pozitsiyasiga raketa va hujum uyushtirilgan "Kobra" vertolyoti. Oq portlash yaqinida havo va artilleriya zarbalari natijasida katta kraterlarni ko'rish mumkin. .

FBR agentlari 1969 yil 17 aprelda Filadelfiyada yashagan 25 yoshli Vyetnam urushi qarori Robert Uittington Etonni olib ketishadi, u erda Eaton o'zini 13 yigit va qizga bog'lab qo'ygan. Yo'l boshlovchi agent yo'lakka yo'lni to'smoqchi bo'lgan guruhlardan birini itarib yubordi. Kamida olti yoshni Easton bilan olib ketishdi.

101 -havo -desant bo'linmasi askari 1969 yil 19 mayda Janubiy Vetnam va Shau vodiysi yaqinidagi Dong Ap Bia tog'ida do'stining hayotini saqlab qolishga harakat qilmoqda. u erdagi dushman pozitsiyalarini bosib olish.

Prezident Nikson 1969 yil 30 -iyulda Janubiy Vetnamga sakkizinchi tashrifi va birinchi prezidenti sifatida Saygondan 12 mil shimoli -sharqda joylashgan Di -da birinchi piyodalar diviziyasi qo'shinlari bilan uchrashganda, GI yaqin rasmni oladi.

Marine Lance, kapital Devid L. Kruz, 1969 yil 17-iyulda Da Nang ’s Marmar tog'ida qo'riqchi bo'lib turganida, dubulg'ali tranzistorli radioda, Apollon oyi haqida o'qqa tutilgan so'nggi yangiliklarni eshitadi. tog'ning ko'plab ohaktoshli g'orlari.

Namoyishchilar 1969 yil 15 oktabr kuni Markaziy parkda ijrochini tinglashdi. Moratoriy kuni Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari bo'ylab ommaviy namoyishlar bo'lib o'tdi va Amerikaning Vetnamga aralashuvining davom etishiga qarshi norozilik ko'rsatdi.

AQShning uchta ko'ylaksiz askari 1970 yil 4 mayda Kambodjaning Fishxuk mintaqasidagi Mimot kauchuk plantatsiyasidan o'tib, qochayotgan gumondorni nishonga olishdi. Indochinadagi eng yirik rezina plantatsiyalari bir necha kun oldin ishlagan.

AQShning 199 -yengil piyoda brigadasi GI 1970 yil 14 -mayda Kambodjada AQShning olovli tayanch tojining tikanli simlari perimetri tashqarisida yotqizilgan jasadlarni aylanib o'tmoqda. olov bazasi allaqachon tark etilgan, amerikalik himoyachilar tomonidan pistirmaga kirgan.

Vetnam va Kambodjalik qochqinlar 1970 yil 5 mayda AQSh-Vetnam qo'shinlari Kambodjaga zudlik bilan jang zonasidan evakuatsiya qilingan AQSh vertolyotiga to'planishdi. Ular olti mil uzoqlikdagi Janubiy Vetnamdagi Katum maxsus kuchlari lageridagi qochqinlarni qabul qilish markaziga joylashtirildi. Kambodja chegarasi.

Ogayo shtati Milliy gvardiyasi, 1970 yil 4 mayda Kent, Ogayo shtati, Kent shtat universitetida isyonchi talabalar harakatiga o'tdi. Milliy gvardiya xodimlari o'qqa tutishi oqibatida to'rt kishi halok bo'ldi, o'n bir kishi yaralandi.

O'n to'rt yoshli Meri Enn Vekkio 1970 yil 4 mayda Vetnam urushi paytida AQShning Kambodjaga bostirib kirishiga qarshi norozilik paytida Ogayo shtati Milliy gvardiyasi tomonidan otib o'ldirilgan Kent shtatining 20 yoshli talabasi Jeffri Millerning jasadi ustidan qichqiradi. .

Videodan olingan bu rasmda, Sayg'ondan 50 mil uzoqlikdagi D zonasi o'rmonlarida, "Qo'y" o't o'chirish tayanch punktidagi askarlar, "Ralph" va "8221" laqabli miltiq o'qidan foydalanib, marixuana chekishadi. 1970 yil 13 -noyabr.

AQSh artilleriyachilari 1971 yilda Laos chegarasida qo'pol ravishda tuzilgan tinchlik bayrog'i ostida dam olishadi. To'pchilar Laosda ishlayotgan Janubiy Vetnam qo'shinlari uchun o't o'chirishdi.

Janubiy Vetnam askarlari 1971 yil 28 -noyabrda Kambodja, Krek g'arbidagi operatsiyani bajarishdan oldin, BTRlar ustiga o'rnatilgan o't o'chiruvchilarni sinovdan o'tkazdilar.

Janubiy Vetnam dengiz piyodalari 1972 yil 5 mayda Xyudan 20 mil shimolda, My Chanh yaqinida, hukumatning yangi mudofaa chizig'i yaqinida, o'lgan askarlarning jasadlarini sigareta uchun tekshiradilar. Quang Tri shahri tashlab ketilganda, askarlar jang paytida o'ldirilgan.

Bombs with a mixture of napalm and white phosphorus jelly dropped by Vietnamese AF Skyraider bombers explode across Route 1, amid homes and in front of the Cao Dai Temple in the outskirts of Trang Bang, on June 8, 1972. In the foreground are Vietnamese soldiers and news and cameramen from various international news organizations who watch the scene.

La Vang, town south of Quang Tri City, on July 6, 1972.

A beheaded statue of an American soldier stands next to a bombed-out theater near the district town of Cu Chi, northwest of Saigon, on December 13, 1972. The statue was placed by troops of the U.S. 25th Infantry Division before they were withdrawn from Vietnam two years earlier. Its head was lost in the explosion that destroyed the theater in background.

A South Vietnamese widow cries as a bell at a Saigon Buddhist pagoda tolls the ceasefire at 8 a.m., on Sunday, January 28, 1973, Saigon time. The United States had begun drastically reducing forces in the country, and, following the Paris Peace Accords of 1973, the last remaining American troops withdrew in March of 1973.

A bon voyage banner stretches overhead in Da Nang, South Vietnam, as soldiers march down a street following a farewell ceremony for some of the last U.S. troops in the country’s northern military region, on March 26, 1973.

The released prisoner of war Lieutenant Colonel Robert L. Stirm is greeted by his family at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, California, as he returns home from the Vietnam War, March 17, 1973. In the lead is Stirm’s daughter Lori, 15 followed by son Robert, 14 daughter Cynthia, 11 wife Loretta and son Roger, 12. This famous photo, also called “Burst of Joy,” won a Pulitzer Prize in 1974. The happy scene depicted here was not to last, however. Stirm, after spending five years in captivity, had received a “Dear John” letter from his wife Loretta, just three days before returning home. They divorced in 1974. Read more about this picture.

A refugee clutches her baby as a government helicopter gunship carries them away near Tuy Hoa, 235 miles northeast of Saigon on March 22, 1975. They were among thousands fleeing from recent Communist advances. With U.S. forces out of the country, North Vietnamese troops tested South Vietnamese defenses (and the willingness of the U.S. to return to the fight) starting in 1974, and began capturing territory.

The Fall of Saigon. Fleeing advancing North Vietnamese forces, mobs of South Vietnamese civilians scale the 14-foot wall of the U.S. embassy in Saigon, April 29, 1975, trying to reach evacuation helicopters as the last Americans departed from Vietnam.

A cluster of South Vietnamese marines, some of whom unable to swim, hold onto inner tubes and empty plastic containers as buddies throw them a line to pull them aboard a navy LST off China Beach at Danang as they fled the port city in April of 1975.

A North Vietnamese tank rolls through the gate of the Presidential Palace in Saigon, April 30, 1975, signifying the fall of South Vietnam. The Socialist Republic of Vietnam was formed in 1976, uniting North and South. Millions of South Vietnamese were sent to reeducation camps, millions more fled the country on their own, leading to the Indochina refugee crisis that lasted another quarter of a century.


Sizda biz bor ekanmiz.

. bizga sizning yordamingiz kerak. COVID-19 va tibbiyotdan tortib iqtisodiy, ijtimoiydan siyosiygacha bo'lgan ko'plab qiyinchiliklarga qarshi turish, biz to'plashimiz mumkin bo'lgan barcha axloqiy va munozarali aniqlikni talab qiladi. Yilda Pandemiyada fikrlash, biz & rsquove shifokorlar va epidemiologlar, faylasuflar va iqtisodchilar, huquqshunos olimlar va tarixchilar, faollar va fuqarolarning so'nggi dalillarini uyushtirganmiz, chunki ular hozircha emas, balki undan tashqarida ham. Ko'p narsa noaniq bo'lib qolsa -da, Boston sharhi& rsquos jamoatchilik fikri oldidagi javobgarligi aniq. Buning sababi shundaki, siz hech qachon to'lov devori yoki reklamani ko'rmaysiz. Bu shuni anglatadiki, biz sizga, o'quvchilarimizga, qo'llab -quvvatlashga tayanamiz. Agar siz bu erda o'qiganlaringizni yoqtirsangiz, soliqqa tortiladigan xayr-ehson qilib, uni hamma uchun bepul saqlashga o'z hissangizni qo'shib qo'ying.


America`s Vietnam War in Indochina

Abuses perpetrated against the North Vietnamese, Cambodian, and Laotian people, which began as far back as the French occupation in the 1840s, galvanized many to fight a 30-year battle for their eventual freedom from foreign occupation. The United States involvement in the struggles of French Indochina began in 1945 at the Potsdam Conference and continued through many phases, culminating in a final withdrawal from Vietnam in 1975. Billions of dollars spent in military aid and equipment from the United States ended after more than 58,000 American lives were lost and another 153,000 were wounded in what is sometimes called “The Impossible War.” The Indochinese Peninsula consists of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, formerly Burma Peninsular Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam. French Indochina included Cambodia and Laos plus Tonkin, Annam, and Cochin China. The latter three later united to form Vietnam. End of Japanese occupation Directly after the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945, Vietnam's communist Viet Minh National Congress met in Tan Trao to ratify the Central Committee’s recommendation to begin a general uprising in the hopes of ousting the Japanese military command. The Congress also elected nationalist Ho Chi Minh, leader of the National Liberation Committee, as the head of the provisional government. When the news of Japan’s surrender in World War II arrived, the local Japanese military command turned over governance to the local authorities. Once Hanoi fell, the Viet Minh declared its independence, established the provisional government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), and made Ho president and minister of foreign affairs. In a speech given on September 2, 1945, Ho announced the Vietnamese Declaration of Independence, modeled nearly verbatim after the American Declaration of Independence and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, to half a million people assembled in Ba Dinh Square. Ho’s attempt to garner support from the United States was useless because, unknown by him, the fate of Indochina had already been decided at the Potsdam Conference. The Allies had agreed to a Japanese surrender of their occupation of Indochina above the 17th parallel and the British surrender south of that line. Instead of supporting Ho, the United States gave their support to France, which demanded to re-colonize Vietnam under threats of France’s non-cooperation in helping to rebuild Europe if the U.S. refused. Secretary of State Dean Acheson stated that France’s demand was nothing short of "blackmail." The United States also saw the Indochina situation as a potential example of The Domino Theory, which holds that if a country falls to communism, weaker surrounding nations also eventually fall. Due to political pressure from anti-communist Republican Joseph McCarthy and others in Washington, D.C., against Democrats who were seen as soft on communism’s spread throughout the world, President Harry S. Truman stepped up America’s involvement in the French re-colonization of Indochina under the Truman Doctrine. Anxious to re-establish their colony of 60 years, the French brought in forces in 1946 that included soldiers from Asia, Africa, Europe, and the Middle East. The colony had once supplied the French with not only important raw materials, but also vast wealth from its opium drug trade. French businessmen and a small number of Vietnamese became wealthy, while most became poorer. Citizens were often held in prison for long periods without being charged, or they died from malaria, tuberculosis, or malnutrition. By refusing to educate most Vietnamese children, literacy of France's re-colonized people reversed from 80 percent literate to 80 percent illiterate when the French left in 1954. Having traveled to France to sign a cease-fire agreement and to negotiate eventual freedom for the Vietnamese people, Ho Chi Minh felt betrayed by the French government when the puppet government of Bao Dai was established in his absence in 1947. Although Dai had come from a long line of royal leaders, he had no talent for governing, nor did he have the desire to do it. Ho was forced to assent to French re-occupation. Given the choice, however, Ho preferred French occupation over the Chinese in Vietnam, knowing the French would be easier to depose than the Chinese. First Indochina War The beginning of the First Indochina War was marked by an outbreak of fighting as a result of a violation in the cease-fire agreement when Viet Minh soldiers refused a French demand to leave Haiphong. Fighting broke out and approximately 1,000 Vietnamese were killed in a battle fought with armored units against a French gunboat firing from the harbor. After seven years of fighting against the Viet Minh, the French governance in Indochina ended shortly after the bloody battle of Dien Bien Phu in 1954 when, at the brink of surrender, they were unable to obtain U.S. reinforcements or additional military aid. The United States had funded approximately one third of France’s attempt to retain control of Indochina. After inheriting the engagement from Truman, President Dwight D. Eisenhower, continued to support French occupation without much deviation from Truman’s policy. Eisenhower surmised that continued support would eventually lead to the liberation of the Vietnamese people from communism. The tide of U.S. support receded when the hopelessness of a full-scale occupation of Indochina against the Viet Minh was realized in 1953. The French also had requested an additional $400 million in assistance but, due to pressure from Washington for the French to make good on their promise to cooperate in Europe, they received only $385 million. By the end of the First Indochina War, 75,867 French soldiers had lost their lives and $3 billion had been spent in a war that led to the withdrawal of French troops after the 1954 Geneva Accords were signed. At the Geneva Conference in Switzerland in July 1954, not only did the Geneva Accords effectively end French control over Indochina, but Cambodia and Laos were also granted independence from France, thus bringing an end to French Indochina. Maintaining the partitioning of North and South Vietnam by the 17th parallel that was first established at the Potsdam Conference, Ho Chi Minh was given the territory north of the 17th parallel while Emperor Bao Dai was given the area south of the 17th parallel. Vietnam was temporarily divided, but an agreement had been reached for free elections to be held in July 1956 to unify the two regions. Emperor Dai’s rule was short lived in that by 1955, Dai was overthrown and U.S.-backed Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem was instated as president. United Action Rather than bear the entire burden of containment in Southeast Asia, the U.S. began to favor what Secretary of State John Foster Dulles called “United Action.” Under the plan, a coalition of local forces would be called upon to assist with disputes. Out of the “United Action” approach came the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, referred to as the Manila Pact. The pact was signed by Australia, France, Great Britain, New Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines, Thailand, and the United States on September 8, 1954, in Manila. The aim of the Manila Pact was to find peaceful means to resolve differences in Southeast Asia by establishing a council to determine how to implement the treaty and to provide consultation for military and other planning within the treaty area. The Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), whose principal architect was Secretary Dulles, was originated from that defense treaty in an effort to stem further communist takeovers of countries in the Pacific region and to legitimize the United States' presence in South Vietnam. Representatives from the eight original signatories pledged to defend against what it saw as an increase of communist military aggression against democracy. But in the end, the United States carried the heaviest burden in defending against that aggression. Due to Diem’s success against the Cao Dai and Hoa Hao religious sects and other political factions in South Vietnam in 1955, the U.S. began to believe Diem could stave off the Viet Minh with military assistance, and thus engaged in a deeper commitment to their freedom from the communist threat. But because of political instability in South Vietnam and fears that a communist leadership would not allow free elections, Dulles later argued that it was in the best interest of the U.S. to allow Diem to hold a rigged referendum ahead of the elections that had been mandated by the Geneva Conference. The decision not to allow free elections fueled the Viet Minh’s resolve to re-unify Vietnam. As the threat of a communist takeover of South Vietnam and a possible later capitulation of Laos, Cambodia, Thailand, Malaysia, Burma, and Indonesia came closer to becoming a reality, President John F. Kennedy began to increase the number of “military advisors” in South Vietnam. Military advisors were used to train and equip South Vietnamese troops. Where there had only been 700 advisors at the end of President Eisenhower’s administration in 1961, Kennedy increased that number to 12,000. Covert operations involving Special Forces (Green Berets) moved the United States closer to an open conflict with North Vietnam and the Vietcong (communist guerillas fighting in South Vietnam). Second Indochina War (Vietnam War)


The United States negotiates a withdrawal

While Vietnamization and troop withdrawals proceeded in Vietnam, the negotiations in Paris remained deadlocked. Kissinger secretly opened separate talks with high-level Vietnamese diplomats, but the two sides remained far apart. The Americans proposed a mutual withdrawal of both U.S. and North Vietnamese forces. Hanoi insisted on an unconditional U.S. withdrawal and on the replacement of the U.S.-backed regime of Nguyen Van Thieu by a neutral coalition government. Nixon considered using renewed bombing and a blockade of the North to coerce the communist leadership, but his military and intelligence experts advised him that such actions would not be likely to have a decisive effect, and his political advisers worried about the impact of such actions on an American public eager to see continued de-escalation of the war.

Nixon consequently refrained from striking North Vietnam, but he could not resist the opportunity to intervene in Cambodia, where a pro-Western government under Gen. Lon Nol had overthrown Sihanouk’s neutralist regime in March 1970. Since that time, the new regime had attempted to force the communists out of their border sanctuaries. The North Vietnamese easily fended off the attacks of the Cambodian army and began to arm and support the Cambodian communist movement, known as the Khmer Rouge. Eager to support Lon Nol and destroy the sanctuaries, Nixon authorized a large sweep into the border areas by a U.S. and South Vietnamese force of 20,000 men. The allies captured enormous quantities of supplies and equipment but failed to trap any large enemy forces. In the United States, news of the Cambodian incursion triggered widespread protest and demonstrations. These became even more intense after National Guard troops opened fire on a crowd of protesters at Kent State University in Ohio, killing four students and wounding several others, on May 4. At hundreds of campuses, students “went on strike.” Congress, meanwhile, repealed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution.

By the summer of 1970 the White House was left with little more than Vietnamization and troop withdrawals as a way to end the war. Vietnamization appeared to be proceeding smoothly, and American counterinsurgency experts had moved swiftly after Tet to help the South Vietnamese government to develop programs to root out the Viet Cong’s underground government and establish control of the countryside. The Viet Cong, seriously weakened by losses in the 1968–69 offensives, now found themselves on the defensive in many areas. However, the limits of Vietnamization were soon demonstrated, when in March 1971 a large ARVN attack into Laos, code-named Lam Son 719 and designed to interdict the Ho Chi Minh Trail, ended in heavy casualties and a disorderly retreat.

In the United States, large-scale demonstrations were now less common, but disillusionment with the war was more widespread than ever. One poll claimed that 71 percent of Americans believed that the United States had “made a mistake” in sending troops to Vietnam and that 58 percent found the war “immoral.” Discontent was particularly directed toward the Selective Service System, which had long been seen as unfairly conscripting young men from racial minorities and poor backgrounds while allowing more-privileged men to defer conscription by enrolling in higher education. College deferments were limited in 1971, but by that time the military was calling up fewer conscripts each year. Nixon ended all draft calls in 1972, and in 1973 the draft was abolished in favour of an all-volunteer military.

Encouraged by their success in Laos, the Hanoi leadership launched an all-out invasion of the South on March 30, 1972, spearheaded by tanks and supported by artillery. South Vietnamese forces at first suffered staggering defeats, but Nixon, in an operation code-named Linebacker, unleashed U.S. air power against the North, mined Haiphong Harbour (the principal entry point for Soviet seaborne supplies), and ordered hundreds of U.S. aircraft into action against the invasion forces and their supply lines. By mid-June the communists’ Easter Offensive had ground to a halt.

With the failure of their offensive, Hanoi leaders were finally ready to compromise. The United States had indicated as early as 1971 that it would not insist on the withdrawal of North Vietnamese forces from the South. Now Hanoi signaled in return that it would not insist on replacing Thieu with a coalition government. On the basis of these two concessions, Kissinger and North Vietnamese emissary Le Duc Tho secretly hammered out a complicated peace accord in October 1972. The Saigon government, however, balked at a peace agreement negotiated without its participation or consent and demanded important changes in the treaty. In November (following Nixon’s reelection), Kissinger returned to Paris with some 69 suggested changes to the agreement designed to satisfy Thieu. The North Vietnamese responded with anger, then with proposed changes of their own. Nixon, exasperated with what he saw as the North’s intransigence and also anxious to persuade Thieu to cooperate, ordered B-52 bombers again to attack Hanoi. This so-called Christmas bombing was the most intense bombing campaign of the war.


Bruce Smith/AP

One of the last remaining river patrol boats used by the U.S. Navy during the Vietnam War is lifted from the Naval Support Base display at the Patriots Point Naval and Maritime Museum in Mount Pleasant, S.C., March 26, 2013. The boat is going to a boatyard for a month for $30,000 in repairs.


"LBJ Tapes Pour Salt on Still-Unhealed Wounds of Vietnam War"

F irst, we had Robert McNamara's retrospective confession, in a 1995 book, that winning the Vietnam War he ran as secretary of defense for President Lyndon Johnson was "impossible, short of genocidal destruction."

Now, we have the release, after more than 30 years, of audiotapes of Johnson's own anguish, including a telephone conversation with McGeorge Bundy, his national security adviser, in which Johnson says, "I don't think [Vietnam] is worth fighting for, and I don't think we can get out."

In McNamara's book, "In Retrospect," the former Cabinet officer exhibits the same trepidation. Yet he both called for, and prepared, itineraries for the escalation of hostilities.

For the more than 58,000 Americans who died in that futile endeavor, for the more than 150,000 who were wounded and for the millions of other Americans who were forever scarred by the divisiveness of that disputatious war, the not-so-surprising revelations rekindle a bitterness that has no closure.

Why, when report after report enumerated the pointlessness of continuation, did Johnson escalate the war?

It can be found in a single sentence uttered by Johnson over the phone on May 27, 1964, to Sen. Richard Russell of Georgia, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee: "They'd impeach a president, though, that would run out, wouldn't they?"

It was ego. He didn't want to be the first president who lost, or fled, a war.

Consequently, he placed our younger generation in harm's way and turned American against American on the home front. While privately expressing his doubts about the value of increasing our presence in Vietnam, he and his staff were drawing up plans to do just that.

It is interesting to piece together what the tapes reveal Johnson was saying to others with what McNamara details in his book about was happening in the Oval Office at the same time.

Johnson made his calls of consternation one day after McNamara and others of his inner circle met with the president with a draft of a congressional resolution they'd prepared that would let the president escalate the war. It was, McNamara wrote later, the genesis of what would become the Tonkin Gulf Resolution.

McNamara says it was Johnson's idea "to prepare an integrated political-military plan for graduated action against North Vietnam."

Meanwhile, the president was playing both ends, calling old congressional friends and advisers, giving them that "it is with a heavy heart" routine for which he was so well known but all the time plotting to commit the United States to yet another war against communism in Asia, thus disregarding the words of Gen. Douglas MacArthur, who in a 1952 reference to our involvement in Korea, said, "It is fatal to enter any war without the will to win it."

Vietnam is an American lesion that never has healed, and probably never will. Many of the young who avoided it, including Bill Clinton, are forever hounded by an image of cowardice. Those who answered the call of our country still feel unappreciated and betrayed by the anti-war American public. Those who died left us with a haunting wall of memory as a physical heirloom, and infinite anguish over their loss.

"What the hell is Vietnam worth to me?" Johnson cried out to Sen. Russell in the recently released tapes. "What the hell is Laos worth to me? What is it worth to the country?"

Yeah, what the hell was it worth?

Mark Bowden discussed his book, "Hue 1968", about one of the longest and bloodiest battles of the Vietnam War.


Videoni tomosha qiling: 6-sinf. QADIMGI DUNYO TARIXI. Kirish 1-Mavzu:Qadimgi tarix-taraqqiyotning boshlanishi (Yanvar 2022).