Ma `lumot

Yahudiylarning ovoz berishi - tarix


Mark Schulman tomonidan

Franklin Delano Ruzvelt davridan beri amerikalik yahudiylar Demokratik partiyaning kuchli tarafdorlari bo'lgan. Yahudiylarning demokratlarni qo'llab -quvvatlashi ko'pchilik uchun sir bo'lib qoldi, chunki yahudiylarning iqtisodiy manfaatlari respublikachilar nuqtai nazariga ko'proq mos keladi. Biroq, pravoslavlar bundan mustasno, amerikalik yahudiylar liberal ijtimoiy qadriyatlarga ega, ular demokratik partiyaga ko'proq mos keladi.


Yahudiylar 1914 yildagi Vudro Vilson saylanganidan beri birinchi navbatda demokrat nomzodlarga ovoz berishdi. So'nggi o'ttiz yil davomida yahudiylarning demokratlarni qo'llab -quvvatlashi hayratlanarli edi. Bu vaqt ichida yahudiylar Amerika aholisining eng badavlat qatlamlaridan biriga aylandi. Ularning boyligi ortishi respublikachilar partiyasini qo'llab -quvvatlashiga olib kelishi kerak edi, lekin unday emas edi.

Yahudiylar birinchi prezidentlik saylovidan boshlab Franklin D. Ruzveltga ko'pchilik ovoz berishdi. Yahudiylarning Ruzveltni qo'llab-quvvatlashini yahudiylarning shaxsiy manfaatlari nuqtai nazaridan tushunish mumkin. Ruzveltning liberal iqtisodiy dasturlari asosan immigrant yahudiy jamoasining ehtiyojlari va manfaatlarini aks ettirgan. Uning kuchli internatsionalistik pozitsiyasi va Gitlerning Evropada ko'tarilishidagi g'ayrioddiy pozitsiyasi Evropada qoldirgan qarindoshlarining taqdiri bilan bog'liq yahudiy jamoasida katta qo'llab -quvvatlovni topdi. 1950 -yillarga kelib, Ruzvelt allaqachon yo'q bo'lib ketgan. Biroq, yahudiylar o'rta sinfga tez -tez va tez -tez chiqib ketishdi. Shunga qaramay, yahudiylarning ovozi aksariyat demokratik bo'lib qoldi. Juda mashhur respublikachi Duayt Eyzenxauer prezidentlik saylovlarida ko'p ovoz bilan g'alaba qozongan bir yilda yahudiylar Demokratik partiyaga sodiqligini saqlab qolishdi. Bu yahudiylarning ovozini kimdir o'z manfaatlariga zid deb qabul qildi. Olimlarning fikricha, bu erda "yahudiylarning ovoz berish paradoksi" boshlangan. Olimlar so'rashdi: nega yahudiylar demokrat nomzodlar uchun ovoz berishda davom etishadi, boshqalari o'xshash va iqtisodiy mavqega ega bo'lganlar respublikachilar partiyasiga qayta -qayta ovoz berishadi?

Bu savolga aniq javob yo'q edi. So'nggi 20 yil ichida (yoki undan ko'p) respublikachi nomzodlar (birinchi prezident Bush bundan mustasno) Isroilni ko'pchilikka qaraganda ko'proq qo'llab -quvvatlovchi sifatida qabul qilinganini inobatga olsak, ba'zi holatlarda vaziyat chalkash. ularning demokrat hamkasblari. Bir necha yillar davomida yahudiylarning ovoz berish tartibini tushuntirishga urinayotgan bir qancha tushuntirishlar berilgan. Birinchi tushuntirishda yahudiy an'analarida ijtimoiy farovonlikning ahamiyati ko'rsatilgan. Bu nazariyaga ko'ra, ijtimoiy farovonlik qadriyatlari yahudiylarning ruhiyatiga shu qadar singib ketganki, yahudiylar, iqtisodiy mavqei qanday bo'lishidan qat'i nazar, Demokratik partiyaning ijtimoiy farovonlik pozitsiyalari bilan yaqindan tanishadilar. Ikkinchi nazariya shuni ko'rsatadiki, yahudiylar, boshqa guruhlardan farqli o'laroq, o'z oilaviy an'analarini qat'iyroq saqlaydilar. Bu holatda, an'ana demokratlarning nomzodlariga ovoz berishdir.

So'nggi yillarda aksariyat respublikachilar nomzodlarining ijtimoiy konservativ pozitsiyalari ko'pchilik yahudiylar uchun juda konservativ bo'lganligi haqida bahslashish mumkin. Bu, shuningdek, diniy yahudiylarning (madaniy jihatdan konservativroq va ko'pincha Isroil bilan aloqasi bor) respublikachilar partiyasiga ko'rsatilayotgan qo'llab -quvvatlashning oshishini tushuntiradi. Menimcha, Amerikadagi yahudiylarning ovoz berishini belgilaydigan yana bir omil. Amerika yahudiylari orasida Respublikachilar partiyasi chetlatilgan partiya degan fikr bor. Respublikachilar nomzodlari antisemitizm bo'lmasa-da, Respublikachilar partiyasi antisemitlar partiyasi bo'lish niyatida. Bundan tashqari, yahudiylar davlat va dinning qat'iy ajratilishini muqaddas deb bilishadi. Cherkov va shtatni ajratish - bu Amerikani boshqa mamlakatlardan farq qiladigan asosiy qadriyat. Bu antisemitizmning chekkasiga ega bo'lgan cherkov va davlatning ajralishi. So'nggi yigirma yil ichida respublikachilarning pozitsiyasi bu ajralishni rad etish edi. Ayrim hollarda respublikachi nomzodlar ayirilishicha, Konstitutsiyaning noto'g'ri talqini. Yahudiylar uchun cherkov va shtatning bo'linishi Amerikadagi antisemitizmga qarshi asosiy to'siq bo'lgan. Shu sababli, respublikachilar partiyasining yaqinda bo'linishga qilingan hujumi, respublikachilarning ilgari "eksklyuziv, qishloq klubi a'zolari" sifatida qabul qilinishi, yahudiylarning respublikachilar partiyasini qo'llab -quvvatlashini qiyinlashtirdi.


Yahudiy saylovchilari ehtiyot bo'ling

Tarixni o'rganish inson tabiatini o'rganishdir. Biz o'zimizni hozirgi zamondan himoya qilish uchun o'tmishdan o'rganamiz. Saylovchilar diqqatli bo'lishlari kerak va bizning tariximizga nazar tashlasak, xususan, amerikalik yahudiylar ehtiyot bo'lishlari kerak. Siz tarixdan qochib qutula olmaysiz.

Yahudiylar Gitler va fashistlar partiyasi paydo bo'lishidan oldin nemis jamiyatining yuqori hayotidan bahramand bo'lamiz, deb o'ylashgandi, xuddi bugungi yahudiylar Amerikada erkinlik, farovonlik va xavfsizlikka ega. Yahudiylar birinchi bo'lib nemis bo'lib, Vatanga ishonishgan. Ular Germaniyaning bankirlari, sanoatchilari, askarlari, olimlari, zavod ishchilari va o'qituvchilari edi. Germaniya Respublikasi qonun ustuvorligini, sudlarni, politsiya himoyasini va so'zlar va din erkinligini va har bir nemis fuqarosi uchun qonun doirasida tenglikni kafolatlaydigan huquqlar qonunini qo'llab -quvvatlaydigan vakillik demokratiyasi edi.

1929 yilda Germaniyada jahon depressiyasi boshlanishidan oldin, natsistlar kichik siyosiy partiya bo'lgan va antisemitizm unchalik keng tarqalgan emas edi. Natsistlar keng tarqalgan ishsizlik va og'ir iqtisodiy tushkunlikdan foydalanib, Germaniyani yo'q qildilar, ularsiz ular hech qachon hokimiyatga kela olmasdilar. Mamlakat achchiq bo'lindi va Gitler fursatdan foydalanib, inqirozni yahudiy kapitalistlari va moliyachilariga yukladi. Qisqa vaqt ichida Gitler Germaniya kantsleri etib tayinlandi va tez orada nemis hayotining barcha jabhalarini, qonunlarni, sudlarni, politsiyani nazorat qildi va yahudiylar o'lim lagerlariga mahkum bo'lishdi.

So'nggi 5000 yil ichida inson tabiati hech qachon o'zgarmagan. Tarixiy jihatdan, bu ibroniylarni qul qilgan Misr fir'avnlari, Birinchi Ma'badni vayron qilgan bobilliklar, Quddusni va Ikkinchi Ma'badni vayron qilgan o'sha Rimliklar, Yahudiylarni Gettoga qo'ygan Uyg'onish davrining Venetsiyaliklari bilan bir xil. -Rossiya imperiyasida zo'ravonlik sodir etgan yahudiy to'dalari va Isroilning vayron qilinishi bo'lgan "daryodan dengizgacha ozod bo'lgan Falastin" ni qidirayotgan o'sha falastinliklar.

Endi ular "Black Lives Matter", "Antifa", qonunsiz to'da va Demokratlar partiyasini boshqarayotgan sotsialistik qanotga aylandilar. Bu irqiy adolat yoki yangi fuqarolik huquqlari harakati haqida emas. Xuddi 1929 yilda natsistlar qilganidek, ular hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritish uchun o'z sotsialistlarini majburlash, politsiya dasturidan voz kechish uchun pandemiyadan foydalanmoqdalar. Ular Linda Sarsour kabi falastinlik faollar bilan faol ish olib bormoqda, Amerikadan boshqa yahudiylar xavfsiz bo'lgan yagona mamlakat - Isroilni iqtisodiy jihatdan yo'q qilish uchun Boykot, Divest, Sanktsiya (BDS) harakatini ilgari surmoqda. Ularning maqsadi Amerikani ag'darish, Isroilni xaritadan o'chirish va o'z qo'liga olish.

Yahudiy saylovchilar hali ham Demokratik partiya o'tgan o'n yillardagi partiya - FDR, Truman va JFK partiyasi ekanligiga ishonishadi. Bu partiya endi o'ldi. Bu faqat ularning ongida mavjud, aslida emas. Ammo yahudiylar demokratlar partiyasi bilan bir asrlik chuqur ildiz otgan ittifoqqa ega, uni buzish qiyin.

O'tgan asrning boshlarida yahudiylarning Rossiya, Polsha va Rossiya tomonidan nazorat qilinadigan Sharqiy Evropaning boshqa davlatlaridan Amerikaga ommaviy ta'qib va ​​qashshoqlarsiz yangi hayot izlab ko'chishi kuzatildi. Ular Nyu -Yorkning Quyi Sharqiy qirg'og'ida va boshqa Sharqiy shaharlarda joylashgan. Ular o'zlari bilan Demokratik partiya va Mehnat birlashmalari harakati bilan tabiiy ravishda uyg'unlashgan Eski Dunyoning yiqilgan, evropalik sotsialistik siyosati merosini olib kelishdi.

Muvaffaqiyatli avlodlar yangi vatanida keng tarqalgan antisemitizmga chalingan xalq uchun Amerika orzusini ro'yobga chiqarish uchun ko'p harakat qilishdi, sinchkovlik bilan o'rganishdi. Qabul qilish va o'z jamoalariga qo'shilishni qidirib, ular o'z mahallalaridagi Demokratik partiyaga to'plandilar, ular Tammany Xollning irland demokratlari tomonidan nazorat qilinadi. Vaqt o'tishi bilan, demokrat mashinasi yahudiylarni katta ovoz berish bloki sifatida qabul qilib, ularni siyosatda faol bo'lishga va davlat lavozimlariga nomzod bo'lishga chorladi.

Oxir -oqibat, yahudiy xalqi Quyi Sharqdan shahar atrofiga ko'chib o'tdi va o'rta sinfga kirdi. Ammo ular hech qachon demokratlar partiyasi siyosatiga amal qilib, kambag'al, tushkun va kambag'al sifatida o'z merosidan voz kechishmagan. Tez orada yahudiylar muvaffaqiyat zinapoyalariga ko'tarilishdi, ish dunyosida muvaffaqiyat qozonishdi, ikkala jahon urushida ham harbiy xizmat qilishdi, vatanga muhabbat bilan, Isroilni qo'llab -quvvatlash, ozodlikka ishonish va bizni amerikaliklar bilan bog'lab turgan hamma narsaga ishonishdi. Bular liberal demokratlar partiyasining ikki yil oldingi tamoyillari edi. Yaqinda partiya chap tomonga burilib, AOK partiyasiga aylandi va tarkib-sotsializm partiyasi, politsiyaga qarshi, Amerika va Isroilga qarshi dasturlar partiyasi.

32 yillik amaldagi Kongress a'zosi Eliot Engel, Liberal yahudiy tumanida, Demokratik partiyalar partiyasidan AOK qo'llab-quvvatlagan radikal isyonchi Jamol Bowmanga yutqazdi. O'rtacha demokratlar siyosiy martabalarini saqlab qolish uchun chapga yugurishadi. AOK yoki vakili Ilhan Umar Isroil va yahudiylarga qarshi gapirganda, demokratlar indamaydi. Mo''tadil yahudiy demokrat deb nomlangan shahar kengashi a'zosi Barri Grodenchik, boshqa mo''tadil demokratlar singari, politsiyani 1 milliard dollarga undirish uchun ovoz berdi. Jo Bayden yaqinda "Million musulmon ovozlari sammiti" da antisemitlar Linda Sarsour, Rep Ilhan Umar, Keyt Ellison va boshqa falastinlik faollar va Farraxon tarafdorlarining roziligini qabul qildi.

Demokratik partiyaning sotsialistik va antisemitizm qanoti o'z qo'liga o'tdi va demokratlar Amerikaning azaliy qadriyatlaridan voz kechishdi va qo'rqib ketishdi. Yahudiylar o'tgan 125 yil davomida kurashgan va turgan hamma narsaga, yangi demokratlar partiyasi qarshi.

Respublikachilar partiyasi Amerika yahudiylari qadrlaydigan barcha qadriyatlarni, Amerika va Isroilni, demokratiyani, bizning harbiyligimizni, so'z erkinligimizni, diniy erkinligimizni, qonun va tartibni, qonun ostida teng himoyalanishni va Amerika orzusini himoya qiladi. Bugungi kunda Respublikachilar partiyasi yahudiy saylovchilarining tabiiy uyi. Yahudiylarning demokratlar partiyasiga bo'lgan qiziqish tarixiga to'liq nazar tashlash, oxirgi chiqishni amalga oshirish va yangi demokratlar partiyasi bilan xayrlashish vaqti keldi.

Fil Orenshteyn - Queens Village respublikachilar klubi prezidenti. 1875 yilda tashkil etilgan, bu Amerikadagi eng qadimgi respublikachilar klubi. Tarixchi, Jerri Matakotta, Kvinsboro jamoatchilik kollejida tarix seminari seriyasining asoschisi, ushbu maqola bo'yicha maslahatchi bo'lgan.


Ulashing Barcha almashish imkoniyatlari: Amerikalik yahudiy saylovchisi qanday va nima uchun o'zgarishi mumkin

Prezident Donald Tramp, chap va Isroil Bosh vaziri Benyamin Netanyaxu, 2019 yil 25 martda Vashingtondagi Oq uyda Isroilning Golan tepaliklari ustidan suverenitetini tan olgan imzolangan deklaratsiyani ushlab turibdi. Manuel Balce Ceneta, Associated Press

SALT LAYK SITI - Davlat kotibi Mayk Pompeoning Quddusdan oldindan yozib qo'ygan so'zlari seshanba kuni kechqurun Respublikachilar milliy qurultoyida eshittirilishidan oldin, nutq allaqachon munozaralarga to'lib ketgan edi.

Shu kuni demokratlar prezident Donald Trampning AQSh elchixonasini Tel -Avivdan Quddusga - yahudiylar, musulmonlar va nasroniylar tomonidan muqaddas deb hisoblangan shaharga ko'chirish to'g'risidagi bahsli qarorining kuchli vizual eslatmasi bo'lib xizmat qilgan misli ko'rilmagan voqea yuzasidan surishtiruvni boshladilar.

O'z nutqi paytida Pompeo bu harakatni ma'muriyatning tashqi siyosatidagi g'alabalardan biri deb sanadi va Trump elchixonani "Xudoning bu shahriga, Quddusga, yahudiylarning vatanining haqli poytaxti" ga olib kelganini ta'kidladi. Pompeo, shuningdek, Trump vositachiligidagi "Ibrohim kelishuviga" ishora qilib, Isroil va BAA o'rtasidagi munosabatlarni normallashtirish rejasini "tinchlik bitimi" deb atadi.

Tashqi kuzatuvchilar bunday qadamlar yahudiy amerikaliklarning Trampni qo'llab -quvvatlashiga yordam beradi deb taxmin qilishsa -da, yahudiy amerikaliklarning o'zlari 45 -prezident va respublikachilar partiyasi bilan ancha murakkab munosabatlarga ega. Aholining atigi 2 foizini tashkil etuvchi yahudiy amerikaliklar ovoz berish pirogining kichik bir qismini tashkil qiladi, lekin qizg'in bahsli vaziyatda bu bo'lak farq qilishi mumkin.

Prezident Donald Trampning qizi Ivanka, o'ngda va AQSh moliya vaziri Stiv Mnuchin, 2018 yil 14 -may, dushanba kuni Quddusda AQShning yangi elchixonasining ochilish marosimida tasvirlangan. Yonatan Sindel Associated Press orqali

Ko'plab yahudiy amerikaliklar Isroil tarafdori bo'lsa-da, ko'pchilik Yaqin Sharq mamlakatlarini siyosiy ustuvorliklar ro'yxatida past o'rinni egallaydi, buning o'rniga ichki masalalar bo'yicha ovoz beradi, deydi ekspertlar. Va bu ovozlar, umuman, demokratlar uchun berilgan.

2016 yilda 70% Hillari Klintonga ovoz berdi. Va akademiklar - Demokratik partiyaga mansub bo'lish yahudiy amerikalik identifikatorining chuqur tarkibiy qismi ekanligini ta'kidlab, Trampga yoqmasligini ko'rsatib turibdi - bu saylov boshqacha bo'lishini kutmang.

Shu bilan birga, yahudiy amerikaliklarning taxminan uchdan bir qismi respublikachilar. Bu juda muhim ozchilik va respublikachilar yahudiylar koalitsiyasi yahudiylarning GOPni qo'llab -quvvatlashi tobora kuchayib borayotganini da'vo qilmoqda. Bu paradigma o'zgarishi? Ba'zi yosh konservatorlar shunday fikrda.

Birinchi navbatda respublikachilar

Garchi bugungi kunda amerikalik yahudiylarning aksariyati demokratlar bo'lsa -da, mamlakatdagi birinchi yahudiylar respublikachilar edi.

"1860-yillardan 1912-yillarga qadar respublikachilarga qarshi ovozlar ko'p edi", deydi Stiven Vindmueller, Los-Anjelesdagi Ibroniylar ittifoqi kolleji yahudiylar din institutining zamonaviy yahudiy tadqiqotlari va tarixi. 1800 -yillarning oxirida, amerikalik yahudiylarning aksariyati "nemis yahudiylari" edi va ular "Linkolnni juda yaxshi ko'rishardi".

Garchi bu nom bir xil bo'lsa -da, bu respublikachilar partiyasi edi, o'sha paytda demokratlar safi segregatsiyani saqlab qolish niyatida bo'lgan janubiy konservatorlar bilan to'lgan edi.

Ammo yahudiylarning partiyaga mansubligini o'zgartiradigan ikkita muhim o'zgarish yuz berdi. Birinchisi, qora tanli amerikaliklarning shimoliga Buyuk Migratsiyasi bo'lib, ular kuchli ovoz berish huquqiga ega edilar va Demokratik partiya tomonidan qattiq qo'llab -quvvatlandilar, ular qora tanlilar ovozini olish va saqlab qolish uchun o'z siyosatini amalga oshira boshladilar. Ikkinchisi Sharqiy Evropadan kelgan yahudiy muhojirlarining katta oqimi edi, u erda ko'pchilik chap qanot fikriga berilib ketgan edi. Bu yangi muhojirlar ham kambag'al edilar, odamlar to'la xonadonlarda yashar edilar va ko'k yoqali ishlarda ishlaydilar.

Oddiy qilib aytganda, Demokratik partiyaning yangi versiyasi yangi yahudiy amerikaliklar uchun ancha mos edi, allaqachon tashkil topgan yahudiy amerikaliklar bir paytlar respublikachilarga yoqadigan mafkuraga amal qilishgan-demokratlarga qadar.

"Rollarning o'zgarishi bilan (partiyalarda) yahudiylarning ovoz berish tartibining mos ravishda o'zgarishi yuz berdi", deydi Vindmueller, "bu tendentsiya 1900 -yillardagi erta saylovlarda yaqqol ko'rinib turdi va 1932 yilda (Franklin D. ) Ruzvelt ", yahudiylarning ovozi o'sha demokrat nomzodga" 85% yoki 90% "bo'lganida.

Yahudiy rahbarlari prezident Trampni oxirgi nutqi uchun tanqid qilmoqda. Mana nima uchun

So'rov: AQSh yahudiylari va nasroniylari o'rtasidagi ajablanarli farq, Prezident Trampning Isroilni qo'llab -quvvatlashi

U Trampni qo'llab -quvvatlaydi. U unga dosh berolmaydi. Bu Yuta er -xotini yahudiy bayramlarida qanday umumiy til topadi

Kim paydo bo'ladi?

Amerikalik yahudiylar "20-30 -yillarda iqtisodiy sabablarga ko'ra demokrat bo'lishgan", deydi Florida universiteti professori, Amerika yahudiy liberalizmining asoslari muallifi Kennet D. Vald, "ular AQShni (mamlakatdan) chunki u huquqlar va siyosiy agentlik dinga asoslangan emasligiga ishonch hosil qilgan.

"Hamma narsadan ko'ra, yahudiylar dunyoviy davlatda teng huquqlarga ega ekanliklari to'g'risida siyosiy madaniyatni qurdilar", deydi Vald.

O'nlab yillar davomida yahudiy amerikaliklar ovoz berish kabinasiga kirganlarida, cherkov va shtatni ajratish haqida o'ylashlari shart emas edi. Bu muammoga aylandi, deydi Uolld, "1970-80 -yillarda ular respublikachilar partiyasi xushxabarchi bo'lganini ko'rganlarida", deydi u, Amerikani masihiy deb biladi.

"Xristian huquqi asosan Respublikachilar partiyasi ekanligi ma'lum bo'lgach, ular 3 dan 1 gacha mustahkam demokratga aylandilar".

Vindmueller bu raqamlar saylovda ham shunday bo'lishini kutmoqda. Ammo u shunday deydi: "Savol: kim paydo bo'ladi?"

Umuman olganda, yahudiy amerikaliklar ovoz berish uchun ro'yxatdan o'tishadi va ular ovoz berish kunida boshqa guruhlarga qaraganda ko'proq ovoz berishadi. Ammo 2016 yilda "birinchi marta biz yahudiylarning ovoz berishining kamayganini ko'rdik", deydi Windmueller.

Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, yosh yahudiy progressivlar "asosan uyda qolishgan" - Vermont shtatidan senator Berni Sanders o'zini demokrat deb ataganidan hafsalasi pir bo'lgan. Va Trumpni qo'llab -quvvatlamagan yahudiy respublikachilar "umidsizlikdan" ovoz berishmadi.

Bu 2020 yilda yana sodir bo'lishi mumkin, deydi Windmueller. Xususan, biz "yahudiy ilg'orlari buni bir chetga surib qo'yishganini" ko'rishimiz mumkin edi.

U bu qo'shimchani tezda qo'shib qo'yadi, chunki "prezidentni yoqtirmaslik darajasi juda yuqori". 2019 yilgi Gallup so'rovi shuni ko'rsatdiki, yahudiylar orasida Trampning reytingi 26% ni tashkil etdi - bu har qanday diniy guruhlar orasida eng past ko'rsatkich.

"Bu saylovda ishtirok etishni anglatishi mumkin", deydi Vindmueller, agar shunday bo'lsa, u yahudiy amerikalik saylovchilarning 80 foizi demokratlarga yoqishini kutadi. Bu CNN telekanalining 2018 yilgi oraliq saylovlardan chiqish so'rovlariga to'g'ri keladi.

Yahudiylar Tramp uchun

Ammo respublikachi yahudiylar koalitsiyasining aloqa bo'yicha direktori Neil Strauss uzoq muddatli tendentsiyalar chizig'ini aks ettiruvchi yahudiylarning GOPni qo'llab-quvvatlashining yanada yaxshi rasmini taklif qiladi.

"Aslida, mening hayotimda respublikachilarga ovoz beradigan yahudiylar foizi oshdi", deydi u.

Straus, GOPni qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan avlodlar orasidagi farqni ko'rsatmoqda, yahudiy elektorat instituti o'tkazgan so'rovga asoslanib, pravoslav bo'lmagan ming yillik yahudiylar Trumpni eski hamkasblariga qaraganda kamroq ma'qul ko'rishadi, Ming yillik ma'qullash reytingi 33%, deydi Strauss. bobo va buvilaridan ancha baland ”.

Tramp va Respublikachilar partiyasi pravoslav yahudiy ozchilik orasida eng yuqori qo'llab -quvvatlovga ega. Bu chorakda tendentsiya boshqa yahudiy guruhlariga qarama -qarshi - 57% Trampni ma'qullagan va 43% ma'qullamagan. Pravoslav tug'ilish darajasi boshqa yahudiy guruhlaridan ustun bo'lganligi sababli, kelgusi yillarda ular katta ta'sir ko'rsatishi kutilmoqda.

Ammo, ming yilliklarni va pravoslavlarni yaqinlashtirish butun rasmni e'tiborsiz qoldiradi.

Ko'pchilik yahudiylar haligacha demokratlarga moyil ekanliklari va Trampni umuman ma'qullamasliklari haqidagi so'rov ma'lumotlari haqida berilgan savolga Straus, prezidentning so'zlari noto'g'ri aytilgani va ommaviy axborot vositalarida noto'g'ri tavsiflanganini aytadi. Uning aytishicha, Virjiniya shtatining Charlottesvil shahrida irqiy tartibsizliklar bunga yaqqol misol bo'la oladi. Strausning so'zlariga ko'ra, sharhlovchilar jumlaning oxirini olcha yig'ishdan ko'ra, "biz har tomondan, ko'p tomondan nafrat, mutaassiblik va zo'ravonlikning shafqatsiz namoyon bo'lishini qat'iyan qoralaymiz" degan to'liq so'zni taklif qilishlari kerak edi.

Straussning ta'kidlashicha, Trampning ichki va tashqi siyosati xalqaro hamjamiyat, AQSh va yahudiy amerikaliklar uchun yaxshi bo'lgan.

Xususan, u Quddusni yahudiy davlatining poytaxti, Ibrohim bitimi deb tan olishni va 2019 yilda yahudiylarga VI sarlavhasini himoya qilish to'g'risidagi buyruqni imzolaganini ko'rsatdi, deydi Strauss, bu isroilparast yahudiy amerikaliklarga aylanadi. kollej shaharchalarida o'zlarini erkinroq his qilish.

Ammo yahudiy jamoasida munozarali bo'lgan bir xil harakatlarning barchasi, Trump yahudiylarning ovozini sudga berishga harakat qilyaptimi yoki Injil nuqtai nazaridan Isroilni qo'llab -quvvatlaydigan xristian xushxabarchilarini qo'llab -quvvatlayaptimi degan savolni tug'diradi. Ko'pgina yahudiy kuzatuvchilari, bu ikkinchisi ekanligiga qo'shiladilar.

"Trump hayron bo'lishi kerak", deydi Ogayo shtati universiteti siyosatshunoslik professori Herb Vaysberg. "U Isroilga ma'qul keladigan narsalarni qilishga urinishda davom etmoqda va bu amerikalik yahudiylar tomonidan qo'llab -quvvatlanmaydi."

Uning aytishicha, aksariyat amerikalik yahudiylar ovoz berish uchun kabinaga kirganlarida, Isroilni ichki tashvishlar qamrab oladi.

Biroq, pravoslav yahudiylar istisno bo'lib, Isroilni boshqa yahudiy guruhlariga qaraganda ko'proq qo'llab -quvvatlaydilar.

Ammo aholining 2% da yahudiy amerikaliklar nisbatan kam ovozga ega.

"Agar shtatda saylovlar yaqinlashsa, yahudiylarning ovozi, albatta, bunga ta'sir qilishi mumkin", deydi Vaysberg. "Chap qo'lda ovoz berish bunga to'sqinlik qilishi mumkin. Har bir ovoz bunga xalaqit berishi mumkin. Isroildagi taassurotim shuki, Trampni eng ko'p qo'llab -quvvatlaydigan yahudiylar allaqachon respublikachilarga ovoz berishgan. Shuning uchun (Isroilni qo'llab -quvvatlash) yahudiylarning ovoz berishiga yordam bermaydi. Bu haqiqatan ham xushxabarchilar uchun. ”

Yahudiy libertarlari?

Vaysbergning aytishicha, yahudiylarning "tikun olam" qiymati - dunyoni ta'mirlash - ularni liberal tutadigan narsalardan biridir. Xuddi shunday, ko'pchilik uchun "demokrat bo'lish yahudiy bo'lishning bir qismidir".

Biroq, Vaysberg yahudiylarning ichki siyosatga bo'lgan munosabatini o'rganganida, u yahudiy kimligi va partiyaga mansubligi o'rtasidagi bog'liqlik "so'nib ketishi" mumkin bo'lgan tendentsiyaga duch keldi. LGBT huquqlari va hukumatning iqtisodiy siyosati masalalarida u ko'plab yahudiylar hukumatni amerikaliklarning yotoqxonasi va hamyonidan tashqarida qolishni xohlashini aniqladi.

Bu yahudiy libertarlari, deydi u, "doimiy ravishda respublikachilar yoki demokratlar emas. Ba'zilar respublikachilar. Ba'zilar mustaqil. . Men ular kunning muammolariga qarab, har ikki tomonga burilishlarini kutardim. ”

21 yoshli Eli Shapiro, oxir -oqibat yahudiy amerikalik siyosiy hayotining yuzini o'zgartirishi mumkin bo'lgan bir qancha tendentsiyalarning timsolidir: u yosh, u pravoslav va u respublikachidir.

Zamonaviy pravoslav oilasida tarbiyalangan, u Trampning qat'iy tarafdori, chunki u prezident diniy erkinlikni uyda qo'llab -quvvatlaydi va Isroilga kuchli deb hisoblaydi. Shapiro, Deseret News telekanali bilan gaplashib, Trumpning qayta saylanish kampaniyasi uchun tanaffus qilib, uning yahudiy do'stlarining ko'pchiligi "afsuski, juda liberal" ekanligini aytdi.

Shapironing qo'shimcha qilishicha, ular "noto'g'ri ma'lumotga ega".

Shapiro respublikachilar yahudiy jamoasida ozchilik ekanligi haqida fikr yuritib, shunday deydi: "Men faqat boshqalarga ergashmay, to'g'ri deb hisoblagan narsani qilish uchun tarbiyalanganman".

Garchi Shapiro Demokratik partiyadan prezidentlikka nomzod Jo Bayden chaqirganidek, "uyqusiragan Jo" yahudiylarning ovozini olishi mumkin bo'lsa -da, u Trump g'alaba qozonishiga amin.

Tuzatish: Oldingi versiyada Kennet D. Uolldning so'roviga oid bir nechta iqtiboslar berilgan. Iqtiboslar Stiven Vindmuellerga tegishli bo'lishi kerak edi.


Ovoz berish va saylovlar: yahudiy qadriyatlari

Sage Hillel o'rgatgan "Al tifros min xatzibur"O'zingizni jamoadan ajratmang" (Pirke Avot 2: 5). Bundan tashqari, bizning jamiyatda faol ishtirok etish va uning rahbarlarini tanlash bizning burchimizdir. Ravvin Yitjak "Agar hukmdor tayinlanmasa, Hamjamiyat bilan birinchi navbatda maslahatlashiladi "(Bobil Talmud Berachot 55a). Ravvin Yitjak, Tavrotda Bezalelni faqat jamoaning roziligi bilan Muqaddas chodirni qurish uchun tanlash mumkinligini tushuntirdi. Siyosiy ishtirok etishning bu axloqiy etikasi yahudiylarni bayramda g'ayrat bilan ishtirok etishga undadi. Amerika saylov jarayoni.

Oq tanli aholining boshqa qatlamlariga qaraganda, yahudiylar 1950-1960 -yillardagi fuqarolik huquqlarining keskin kurashida faol ishtirok etishdi, bu harakat fuqarolarga franchayzingga rangsiz kirishni ta'minladi. Darhaqiqat, 1965 yildagi "Ovoz berish huquqlari to'g'risida" gi qonun, fuqarolik huquqlari bo'yicha etakchilik konferentsiyasi homiyligida, islomiy yahudiylarning diniy harakatlar markazi konferents -zalida qisman tuzilgan. Fuqarolik huquqlari kurashidagi tarixiy rolimizni inobatga olgan holda, saylovchilar huquqidan mahrum qilinganlik haqidagi da'volar va rang -barang fuqarolar uchun ovoz berishning ko'pligi haqidagi dalillar bizni ochiq gapirishga majbur qiladi. Bizning vazifamiz - barcha fuqarolarga ovoz berish va ovozlarini sanash imkoniyatini berish.


Yahudiylar Amerikaning boshida ovoz berishlari mumkinmi?

Lahza sizga yahudiy jamoasidan va undan tashqaridagi muhim mustaqil hisobotlarni olib keladi. Lekin biz sizning yordamingizga muhtojmiz. Sizning qo'llab-quvvatlashingiz, biz har qanday soliqdan chegirib tashlanadigan sovg'alar, bizni davom ettirishda muhim rol o'ynaydi. O'qiganingiz uchun rahmat va yordamingiz uchun tashakkur. Bu erda xayriya qiling.

2016 yil may oyida, Lahza "Bizga ovoz berish buyurilganmi?" Degan savolga "Ravvinlardan so'rang" forumini e'lon qildi. Hamma ravvinlar biz, deb bahslashishdi kerak ovoz berishdi, lekin ular javoblarini turli sabablarga ko'ra berishdi: Yeremiyoning siz yashayotgan jamiyatni qurishga qo'shilish haqidagi buyrug'i, siz demokratik hukumatni qandaydir darajada boshqarishni afzal ko'rdingiz. hakarat ha-tov Yaxshi odamni tan olish sizga yahudiylar yahudiy bo'lgani uchun yoki ular yashagan jamiyatlar demokratik bo'lmaganligi sababli yaqinda ovoz bera olmasligini anglab etdi. Aslida, oxirgi sabab 18, 19 va hatto 20-asrda keng tarqalgan edi. Shimoliy Amerikadagi Britaniya koloniyalari ko'p yahudiylar yahudiy bo'lgani uchun ovoz bera olmaydigan tarixiy muhitlardan biri edi.

1776 yilgacha har bir Amerika koloniyasi saylovchilarning malakasi to'g'risida o'ziga xos, o'ziga xos ifodalangan qonunga ega edi. Odatda, 50 gektar erga ega bo'lgan 21 yoshdan oshgan oq tanli erkaklar ovoz berishlari mumkin edi, lekin tafsilotlar koloniyalarda turlicha edi va ko'pincha biroz xira edi. Mulk talabi ma'lum miqdordagi shaxsiy mulkka nisbatan yuqori yoki pastroq mulk bo'lishi yoki ma'lum miqdorda soliq to'lashi etarli bo'lishi mumkin. Saylovchilarning irqi va jinsi haqidagi taxminlar aniq emas edi va o'smirlar ko'pincha militsiya saylovlarida ovoz berishgan. Balki amerikalik kolonistlarning 10 dan 20 foizigacha saylov huquqi bor edi: 18-asr dunyosida ajoyib yutuq, lekin 21-asrda kattalar uchun umumiy saylov huquqi idealiga qaraganda juda past.

Mustamlakachi hukumatlar ovoz berish uchun diniy malakaga ega bo'lish kerakmi degan aniq kelishuvga ega emas edilar. Avvaliga ozchilik bor edi, lekin bu saylovchilarning oqligi va erkakligi singari protestantlik e'tiqodi oddiy qabul qilinganligi uchun bo'lishi mumkin. 1688-1689 yillardagi ulug'vor inqilobdan so'ng, protestantizm inglizlarning o'ziga xosligi bilan bog'langanidan so'ng, bir nechta koloniyalar katoliklarning ovoz berishiga to'sqinlik qilishdi va yangi bandlar ko'pincha yahudiylarni ham taqiqlaydigan tarzda tuzilgan edi. Koloniyalar diniy erkinlik - ular tobora kuchayib borayotgan - boshqaruvda qatnashish huquqi o'rtasida keskin farqni ajratdilar, ular ko'pincha protestantlar uchun ajratilgan. Mashhur keng ko'lamli Pensilvaniya koloniyasi Isoni qutqaruvchi yahudiylar (va boshqa nasroniy bo'lmagan dinchilar) sifatida yashash huquqiga ega bo'lganlarga ovoz berish huquqini cheklab qo'ydi, lekin ovoz berish huquqiga ega emas edi. Nyu -York tez -tez yahudiylarga ovoz berishga ruxsat berardi, lekin ba'zida ularning ovozlari e'tiroz bildirardi.

Amerika inqilobi ovoz berish huquqi manzarasini ma'lum darajada o'zgartirdi. Aslida, u yangi, federal hukumat qatlamini yaratdi, unda mutlaq din erkinligi mavjud edi - va yahudiylarning Kongressda yoki hatto prezident bo'lib xizmat qilishiga to'sqinlik qiladigan hech qanday diniy sinov - ko'pchilikda mavjud bo'lgan diniy sinovlarni olib tashlamasdan. davlatlar. Shtatlarning aksariyati 1770 -yillarda yangi shtat konstitutsiyalarini yozgan, ba'zilari esa mavjud diniy sinovlarini yumshatgan yoki olib tashlagan, lekin ba'zilari yozmagan. Masalan, Janubiy Karolina, Jorjiya va Nyu -Xempshir shtatlari erkaklar uchun "har qanday protestant mazhabining e'tiqodiga ishonadigan" odamlar bilan cheklangan (til 1776 yilgi Nyu -Gempshir Konstitutsiyasidan). Tomas Jeffersonning mashhur diniy erkinlik to'g'risidagi nizomi faqat Virjiniya uchun gapirgan.

Saylov huquqi bo'yicha diniy testlarni bekor qilish bo'yicha haqiqiy ish davlat darajasida, asosan Amerika inqilobidan yarim asr o'tgach amalga oshirildi. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining yahudiy aholisining soni dastlab 2500 kishidan oshmagan va davlat darajasidagi diniy testlar, ehtimol, boshqa din vakillarini chetlab o'tishdan ko'ra, umumiy protestant yoki xristian kimligini rivojlantirish uchun mo'ljallangan imo-ishoralar edi. Amerika inqilobidan keyingi o'n yilliklarda, ayniqsa turli xil va baquvvat diniy aloqalar davri, jamoatchilik fikri asta -sekin bu diniy sinovlarga qarshi chiqdi. 19-asrning o'rtalarida AQShga katolik va yahudiylarning immigratsiyasining ko'payishi ko'plab protestant bo'lmagan AQSh fuqarolarini saylov huquqining kengayishidan foyda olishiga olib keldi. Shunday bo'lsa -da, Nyu -Gempshir shtatida o'tkazilgan test 1877 yilgacha o'z kuchini saqlab qoldi. Qo'shma Shtatlardagi yahudiylarning ovoz berish huquqi tarixi 18 -asrda ochiq -oydin istisno tangosi bo'lib, 19 -yilda cheklangan qonunlar ataylab qayta yozilgan. Ammo, ehtimol, bu barakadir: biz tarixda Amerika xalqini ovoz berish uchun diniy sinovlar masalasini aniq ko'rib chiqishga majburlagan va ataylab barcha din vakillariga saylov huquqini berishga qaror qilgan dalda topishimiz mumkin.

Yuqori rasm: Wikimedia Commons Filadelfiyada saylov kuni, shuningdek, nomi bilan tanilgan Saylov sahnasi. Filadelfiyadagi davlat uyi 1815 yil (1815) Jon Lyuis Krimmel (1787-1821), rassomning xuddi shunday nomlangan ikkita rasmidan biri. Tuvaldagi yog ', 16 dan 25 dyuymgacha. Imzolangan va sanasi. Winterthur san'at muzeyi tomonidan o'tkazilgan


Yahudiylar haftaligi - Bagels bilan ovoz berish bo'yicha reyting

Endryu Silov-Kerol Nyu-Yorkdagi yahudiy haftaligi bosh muharriri.

Hamma narsa hamma narsani buzdi.

O'quvchilarimizga kelgusi hafta Nyu -Yorkda bo'lib o'tadigan saylovlarda ishlatiladigan reytingli ovoz berish (RCV) ni tushunishga yordam berish uchun, biz ulardan onlayn so'rovda sevimli simitlarini saralashini so'radik.

Reyting bo'yicha ovoz berishda saylovchilar xuddi shunday harakat qilishadi: nomzodlarni xohishlariga ko'ra tartiblash. Agar nomzod birinchi tanlovda 50% ovoz to'plasa, u g'alaba qozonadi. Agar yo'q bo'lsa, sanash boshqa bosqichga o'tadi, faqat bu safar eng yaxshi natija ko'rsatgan nomzod o'chiriladi, agar sizning sevimli nomzodingiz o'chirilsa, sizning ovozingiz kimdir 50 foizlik chegaradan o'tgunga qadar sizning byulleteningiz bo'yicha ikkinchi o'rinni egallagan nomzodga beriladi.

Bagel o'xshashligidan foydalanish: Agar siz chindan ham kunjutni xohlasangiz, lekin do'kon tugagan bo'lsa, keyingi tanlovingiz qanday bo'ladi va bundan keyin sizning tanlovingiz? Albatta, siz qaror qabul qilishingiz mumkinki, agar ular kunjut iste'mol qilmasa, sizda simit yo'q, lekin saylovlar qanday o'tmaydi: kimdir g'alaba qozonishi kerak.

Reyting bo'yicha ovoz berishning afzalligi shundaki, bu sizga simit ta'mi haqida ko'proq gapirishga imkon beradi, ya'ni kim saylanadi. “Hatto sizning eng yaxshi nomzodingiz g'alaba qozona olmagan taqdirda ham, siz kimni yutishini tanlashga yordam berishingiz mumkin, ”, NYC Votes -ning foydali tushuntiruvchisiga ko'ra.

Aksincha, bir nechta nomzod bo'lgan "ko'plik g'olibi" tizimida nomzod a bilan g'alaba qozonishi mumkin ozchilik of votes — even if the plurality leader is unacceptable to the majority. We’d hamma be stuck eating a cinnamon raisin bagel, let’s say, when the majority of us could have lived with our second or third choice — the consensus “backup” choice.

In the first round of voting in the Jewish Week Bagel Ballot, nearly 400 people voted. That means the winning bagel needed to cross a 195-vote threshold.

In an ideal demonstration, the race would have been close. But apparently, everyone loves a bagel with everything.

The winner: Everything, with 244 votes, followed by sesame (65), plain (37), cinnamon raisin (a shocking 22) and poppy seed (21).

But just to give you an idea how RCV might have worked, we experimented with a subsequent “round.” In round two, poppyseed finished dead last with only 21 votes, so we distributed those voters’ second-place choices among the remaining candidates.

As a result, cinnamon raisin gained 3 votes, plain picked up 4, sesame got 8 and everything got 6 (3+4+8+6=21). It didn’t change the outcome, but it suggested that at the very least, six more voters had a say in picking the winner. And if the race were close, more people would have been satisfied — or at least less disappointed — in the outcome.

As Rob Richie, president and CEO of FairVote, told Vox: “Fundamentally, what a ranked-choice ballot as we propose it does is give a voter a backup to their first choice. From that, it creates really positive incentives for how candidates act and how voters act.”

For more on RCV, there are helpful primers from The New York Times and The Gothamist.


Harry Truman, antisemitism and Israel: On the Jewish state and the Jewish vote

By Matthew Rozsa
Published May 16, 2021 6:00AM (EDT)

Harry Truman, Israeli flag and the Holocaust Jude star patch (Photo illustration by Salon/Getty Images)

Shares

God works in mysterious ways — and so do Jewish voters. To see a perfect illustration of this, look no further than the Jewish community's complex relationship with Harry S. Truman, the antisemitic president who helped Israel come into existence.

If you know anything about Israel, you almost certainly know that the Jewish nation relies on the United States for economic and military support. This is in no small part because the U.S. has the largest Jewish population of any nation outside Israel and because American politicians of both parties hope to win over Jewish voters (and Jewish political donors) by taking Israel's side. When Israel is accused of human rights violations, it can usually rely on American presidents and other major political leaders to have its back. (In that respect, even Donald Trump and Joe Biden are united.) This reality has long frustrated advocates for the Palestinian cause, especially at a moment like this, when the Israeli government is effectively waging war against Palestinians in Gaza.

Let's consider Truman, the first president to have Israel's back. Growing up as an American Jew in the 1990s, I was taught to view Truman as an icon, a hero for the Jewish people, the brave president who opposed his own State Department and became the first world leader to recognize Israel after it declared itself to be a new nation. In religious school I was regaled with the story of how the Chief Rabbi of Israel later told the president, "God put you in your mother's womb so you would be the instrument to bring the rebirth of Israel." Truman was said to have wept with joy.

Maybe that's how Truman is viewed by Jews in retrospect. When he ran for president in 1948, however, he had the worst showing among Jewish voters of any Democratic candidate in 20 years.

Jews have voted predominantly Democratic in national elections since the 1920s, but even by that standard Franklin D. Roosevelt was beloved by Jewish voters. FDR never got less than 82% of the Jewish vote, and topped 90% in his last two campaigns, in 1940 and 1944 (elections that happened while Adolf Hitler was actively trying to wipe out the Jewish population of Europe). But in 1948, Jewish support for Truman fell by one-sixth, to 75% — although it wasn't Republican nominee Thomas Dewey who benefited.

Truman's Jewish support, in fact, was siphoned off by former Vice President Henry Wallace, running on the left as the Progressive Party candidate. Wallace only received 2% of the national popular vote, but won 15% of the Jewish vote — running in the year Israel was created and against the president given credit for helping to make that happen. Despite the antisemitic stereotype that Jewish voters only care about Israel, quite a few of them were so dissatisfied with Truman that they went for an actual left-wing alternative. You could almost hear the Wallace voters saying, "Israel Shmisrael!"

That was no anomaly. Jews have tended to support leftist and progressive causes throughout their history, whether that meant the labor movement, the civil rights movement, anti-war movements, feminism, LGBTQ rights and many more. It is difficult to state decisively why this is true, but the large number of prominent Jewish people involved with left-wing movements and American Jews' century-long voting patterns make it undeniable.

And despite what antisemites may believe, relatively few Jews are "Israel first" voters. Polls old and new alike consistently find that the percentage of Jewish voters who consider Israel a paramount issue is usually in the single digits. A number of polls find that a majority of American Jews are critical of Israel's policies, with only one-third in a recent survey saying they believe Israel sincerely wants peace with the Palestinians. And that's true in spite of the fact that a growing number of Jewish Americans are increasingly concerned about antisemitism, a strong indication that they view the two issues independent of each other.

In other words, ever since the first time an American president stuck his neck out for Israel, American Jews have repeatedly proved that they are not a monolith. They do not have dual loyalties, as Donald Trump implied during his presidency, and they cannot be won over by bribing them with support for Israel.

There is another lesson in Harry Truman's story, namely that people who do good things for Israel are not necessarily true friends of Jews. Indeed, if American Jews in 1948 had known more about how President Truman perceived them, he might have received an even lower share of the Jewish vote.

"Truman had an uglier side to his personality and sometimes that side that was prejudiced," Randy Sowell, an archivist at the Harry S. Truman Presidential Library & Museum, told Salon. "I don't deny that at all."

As Sowell recounted, Truman private bigotry was complicated, as is so often true at the individual level. He used familiar ethnic slurs to refer to Jews in general, even though one of his closest friends, Eddie Jacobson, was Jewish. (Truman apparently believed that Jacobson's success in business stemmed from his ethnic background.) Reportedly at his wife's request, Truman didn't allow Jewish people in his home. He described Jews as "very, very selfish" and claimed that "neither Hitler nor Stalin has anything on them for cruelty or mistreatment to the underdog." (Truman also made racist or bigoted comments about other marginalized groups, including Black people and Asians.)

At the same time, as Sowell explained, Truman's public actions are difficult to square with his prejudices. As a senator from Missouri, he wrote letters to his wife that brimmed with contempt for Jews, while also using his platform to advocate helping save Jewish people from Hitler and the Nazis. Even before the Holocaust was over, Truman became persuaded that the Jews' Biblical homeland would be a fitting place for the survivors to build a new nation. When Secretary of State George C. Marshall, whom Truman deeply admired, urged the president not to recognize Israel because he feared the political tension blowback from Arab nations, Truman did so anyway.

Yet even in this story of humanitarian impulses overcoming antisemitic prejudice, there are some sour notes. Truman helped legitimized the new Jewish state by being the first world leader to recognize it, but did very little to help the native Palestinians who were being persecuted or driven into exile. When Truman at one point refused to meet with a Zionist activist to discuss Israel, his longtime friend Eddie Jacobson stunned him as he burst into tears, ultimately changing his mind. During this conversation, Jacobson compared the Zionist activist to one of Truman's personal heroes, Andrew Jackson. Neither man, it seems, realized the cruel irony in linking the issue of Israel's existence to a president widely reviled today for his racist and genocidal policies.

The moral here is that just as Jewish voters work in mysterious ways, so do the politicians they depend upon to protect their interests. Harry Truman was a bigot who wouldn't let Jews enter his home yet felt compassion for the millions terrorized and murdered by a fascist dictator. We've seen a more recent president, Donald Trump, tell Israel it may do whatever it wants while still indulging his supporters' overt antisemitism. Politicians on the Christian right may support Israel, but largely because of a half-baked prophecy holding that once Israel is a Jewish nation again, the messiah will return and Jews will either convert or go to hell.

Similarly, while leftist or progressive politicians may make some Jews uncomfortable when they criticize Israel, it is important to listen closely to what they say. Of course it's contemptible to traffic in stereotypes about Jews being greedy or secretly controlling the world — the kinds of stereotypes Harry Truman quite likely believed — and anyone who exploits those beliefs in criticizing Israel deserves to be condemned. But criticism of Israel, or any other nation, that is rooted in facts and evidence is quite another matter. The lesson we can draw from the antisemitic president who helped create Israel is perhaps a lesson about challenging our assumptions and looking past them, and about learning to live with complexity and contradiction.

Matthew Rozsa

Matthew Rozsa is a staff writer for Salon. He holds an MA in History from Rutgers University-Newark and is ABD in his PhD program in History at Lehigh University. His work has appeared in Mic, Quartz and MSNBC.


Donald Trump and the Jews: He's exactly why most of us vote for Democrats

By Matthew Rozsa
Published August 24, 2019 12:00PM (EDT)

Donald Trump at the Western Wall (Getty/Ronen Zvulun)

Shares

If President Trump doesn't understand why a large majority of American Jews are Democrats, maybe he should take a look in the mirror.

In case you need a quick refresher, Trump sparked an enormous furor on Tuesday when he said, "I think any Jewish people that vote for a Democrat, I think it shows either a total lack of knowledge or great disloyalty." He added that "five years ago, the concept of even talking about this . . . of cutting off aid to Israel because of two people that hate Israel and hate Jewish people — I can't believe we're even having this conversation. Where has the Democratic Party gone? Where have they gone where they're defending these two people over the State of Israel?"

The "two people" Trump referred to are clearly Rep. Ilhan Omar of Minnesota and Rep. Rashida Tlaib of Michigan. I'm not aware that either of them, or anyone else in the Democratic Party, has proposed "cutting off aid to Israel."

The next day the president doubled down, retweeting a bizarre claim that Israelis "love him like he is the second coming of God" and telling reporters outside of the White House that "if you vote for a Democrat, you're being disloyal to Jewish people, and you're being very disloyal to Israel. Only weak people would say anything other than that." Trump also quoted conservative radio host Wayne Allyn Root, who disparaged American Jews for disliking him: "They don’t even know what they’re doing or saying anymore. It makes no sense!"

Actually it makes perfect sense that American Jews oppose Trump and lean Democratic. It made sense even before Trump took to Twitter and "coincidentally" decided to express admiration for Henry Ford, one of America's most notorious anti-Semites and an inspiration to Adolf Hitler. It made sense even before Trump made anti-Semitic remarks before the Republican Jewish Coalition in 2015. (When I called him out on this, neo-Nazi Andrew Anglin attacked me online.)

For that matter, the fact that most Jews are Democrats made plenty of sense long before Trump became a player on the political scene.

In fact, for as long as American Jewish voting patterns have been reliably recorded, Jews have clearly taken the position that political movements which stand for oppression anywhere are unsafe for Jews everywhere.

"American Jews have tended to vote Democratic since 1928, mostly because they perceived that their values and interests aligned more with the Democratic Party, especially on issues like immigration, civil rights, church-state separation and Israel," Jonathan Sarna, professor of American Jewish history at Brandeis University, told me by email:

Every Democratic candidate since FDR, with the exception of Jimmy Carter in his second term, has won more than 50 percent of the Jewish vote. The shift away from Carter [in 1980], whom many Jews perceived as anti-Israel, demonstrates that Jewish voters have been willing to punish candidates whom they perceive as anti-Israel, but it is important to note that many Jews voted for the third-party candidate, John Anderson, rather than moving into the ranks of the Republican Party.

Indeed, a look at American Jewish voting patterns since 1916 (the first year when precise data became available) reveals that there has only been one presidential election in that entire period where a Republican won the Jewish vote. That was the election of 1920, in which Warren G. Harding won 43 percent of the Jewish vote — in a landslide victory where he got 60 percent of the national vote overall. Notably, however, Socialist Party candidate Eugene Debs won 38 percent of the Jewish vote — and only 3 percent of the national vote.

Sarna cites the election of 1928 because that was when the Democratic Party took a notable turn toward more liberal, cosmopolitan politics — and, not coincidentally, picked the first Roman Catholic major-party nominee, New York Gov. Al Smith. Ever since then, Jews became a reliable Democratic voting bloc.

Hasia Diner, a professor of American Jewish history at New York University, agreed that Jews have voted for Democrats "in national, state, and local elections since the late 1920s." She offered a succinct summary of why, also by email:

They have done so for the most part because they have accepted the basic premises of the party: calls for state responsibility for the welfare of its citizens, a state that is active for those who find themselves in need, and efforts, like civil rights broadly understood, which envision an society in which access to resources are not tied to race, religion or national origin. This formula appealed to most of them throughout this period because it worked for them and helped strengthen their own place in America as it also worked for others.

"These were, however, not Jewish issues explicitly," Diner continued, stressing that it's mistaken to view Jews as single-issue voters, when it comes to Israel or anything else:

They have not since 1948 voted for candidates in the United States on the basis of either Israel as an issue or the explicit or implicit directions from Israel. This does not hold for all Jews, but in the last few elections the numbers run about 25 percent for the Republicans and 75 percent for the Democrats, reflecting the general coincidence between the Democratic Party's larger message, as I sketched out above, and the majority of American Jews' sense that it was a message that fit their own visions of a good, or even better, America.

Sarna echoes this view, suggesting that Trump appears to believe he can turn Jewish voters against the Democratic Party by appealing to their presumed tendency to vote entirely based on the perceived interests of the State of Israel.

Across the world, in England, Canada, Australia and elsewhere, Jews have turned away from liberal parties that had once been their favorite home if those parties abandoned support for Israel. President Trump is hoping that he can help effect a similar shift in the US by painting the Democratic Party as anti-Israel and akin to the Corbyn Labour Party in England [which has been accused of harboring anti-Semites]. Whether that indeed happens remains to be seen.

At least for now, American Jews overwhelmingly tend to vote Democratic, and generally hold liberal views. Nearly all the Jewish members of Congress are Democrats — one who technically isn't would be Sen. Bernie Sanders — and all three of the Jewish justices on the Supreme Court (Stephen Breyer, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Elena Kagan) are regarded as reliable liberal votes. For many Jewish people, although certainly not all, there is a strong historical connection between the oppressive mentality that led to the election of President Trump and the mentality of anti-Semitism.

I'm not saying all Republicans share Trump's bigoted views. That's emphatically not the case. But there is a strong undercurrent of bigotry in the modern Republican Party, one that caused Trump to be nominated in the first place and that is visible in the persecution of other marginalized groups.

In many ways, Trump symbolizes everything that makes Jews lean Democratic. While Trump has made anti-Semitic comments for years, he largely avoided those during the 2016 campaign, which focused on stigmatizing Muslim and Latino immigrants, along with African Americans and women. When Trump added the notoriously homophobic Mike Pence as his running mate, one could safely add the LGBT community to that list. Yet it was inevitable that Trump would eventually turn his animus against the Jews because bigoted mentalities are rarely confined to a single group of people.

While the the modern Democratic Party has an imperfect record on bigotry — and until the early 1960s was allied with Southern segregationists — it has at least held out the governing ideal of resisting or overturning racism and discrimination. Gradually, Democrats came to support civil rights, women's rights and LGBT equality, even if all those areas remain contentious today.

The Republican Party, by contrast, blamed the poor for their suffering during the Great Depression, and turned sharply against civil rights during the 1960s, with the losing campaign of Barry Goldwater and then the election of Richard Nixon, driven by the "Southern strategy" of dog-whistle racism. At least in effect, Republican ideology has been closely allied with preserving the power of white, straight men and resisting equality for people of color, women and LGBT people.

Many Republicans strongly support Israel, or at least claim to. For many American Jews, that's practically irrelevant at this point. Conservatives may support Israel for theological reasons or purely strategic ones — because they hate and fear Islam — but that hardly equals a genuine sympathy for a historically marginalized and oppressed group. It's an alliance of convenience, at best.

Last year I interviewed Charlotte Pence, the vice president's daughter. She was promoting a book about her father and happened to mention a trip to Mount of Olives, a mountain ridge in East Jerusalem where some Christians believe Jesus will return to earth. When I asked her whether she thought Jews would go to hell when that happened, she avoided the question. As with so many evangelical Christians, her supposed affection for Jews struck me as anti-Semitic — because it does not actually reflect respect for Jewish people, Jewish culture or the Jewish faith.

Donald Trump isn't religious, but his attitudes toward Jews are driven by similar impulses. He views us not as distinct individuals worthy of respect in a diverse, pluralistic society, but as a collective who only matter insofar as we affirm or threaten the prevailing power structure. If we support Trump and the current Republican Party, they're willing to give us what they think we want, which is military and financial support for the State of Israel. If we dare to think for ourselves, we'll be reminded of what they think our place truly is in society.

Trump didn't create this mentality, but he is without question a product of it. As such, he offers a textbook example of why American Jews vote Democratic — and why we will continue to do so into the foreseeable future.

Matthew Rozsa

Matthew Rozsa is a staff writer for Salon. He holds an MA in History from Rutgers University-Newark and is ABD in his PhD program in History at Lehigh University. His work has appeared in Mic, Quartz and MSNBC.


5 Jewish things to know about Joe Biden

WASHINGTON (JTA) — Joe Biden, a born and raised Roman Catholic who likes to cross himself when making a point, knows what faith he would be if he were ever overcome with doubt about his own.

“If I’m going to switch, I know where I’m going,” the former vice president said in 2016 at an Ohio political event when someone in the audience called him a “mensch.” Biden went on to describe the pile of yarmulkes he had accumulated from attending Jewish events.

Goodness knows, he’s been collecting them for a while, and his Jewish ties run deep: One of his first overseas visits in his long career as a senator was to Israel, on the eve of the 1973 Yom Kippur War.

Which is all the more remarkable considering that Biden represents a state, Delaware, with a Jewish population estimated at 15,000.

How deep is Biden’s Jewish record? So deep that it was hard to pick just five Jewish things to know about him.

Here are his greatest hits, sure to be repeated now that Biden, 76, announced on Thursday that he is entering the stakes for the Democratic presidential nomination.

He learned pro-Israel from his dad.

Biden, born in 1942, likes to recall a childhood memory of his salesman father, Joseph Sr., and the international debate in 1948 over whether to endorse the existence of the new State of Israel. Typically he leavens the tale with details suggesting a raucous Irish-American upbringing in which folks liked talking over one another more than they did eating.

“My education started, as some of you know, at my father’s dinner table,” Biden said at an American Israel Public Affairs Committee annual conference in 2013. (“As some of you know” was an understatement: Many folks on the pro-Israel circuit have memorized Biden’s Jewish anecdotes, but that doesn’t diminish the applause.)

“We gathered at my dinner table to have conversation, and incidentally eat, as we were growing up. It was at that table I first heard the phrase that is overused sometimes today, but in a sense not used meaningfully enough — first I heard the phrase ‘Never again.’

“It was at that table that I learned that the only way to ensure that it could never happen again was the establishment and the existence of a secure, Jewish state of Israel. I remember my father, a Christian, being baffled at the debate taking place at the end of World War II talking about it” — baffled, that is, that anyone would consider voting no.

That Golda story

All rumors you’ve heard about a “Golda” drinking game among reporters who cover Biden Jewish events are utterly baseless.

So, that cleared up, here’s the deal: Joe Hearts Golda Meir. A lot. The story he tells about meeting with her in 1973, when he was a 30-year-old senator, is a staple of his Jewish speechmaking.

It was on the eve of the Yom Kippur War. Biden toured Israel and the territories it held and witnessed the chain-smoking, American-raised Israeli prime minister reviewing maps. He could not but notice heightened military tensions.

Meir, meeting Biden at her office, asked him to pose for a photo.

“She said, ‘Senator, you look so worried,'” he recalled, speaking at an Israeli Embassy Independence Day celebration in 2015. “I said, ‘Well, my God, Madame Prime Minister,’ and I turned to look at her. I said, ‘The picture you paint.’ She said, ‘Oh, don’t worry. We have’ — I thought she only said this to me. She said, ‘We have a secret weapon in our conflict with the Arabs. You see, we have no place else to go.'”

Biden has a Jewish family. He jokes about it. But it’s complicated.

Biden has three children who grew to adulthood. (His first wife, Neilia, and a baby daughter, Naomi, died in a car crash right after his 1972 election to the Senate.)

Two of them married Jews: Beau Biden, whose mother was Neilia, married Hallie Olivere. Ashley Biden, his daughter with his second wife, Jill, married Howard Krein.

“By the way, I’m the only Irish Catholic you know who had his dream met because his daughter married a Jewish surgeon,” he said at that 2016 Ohio political event.

This is where it gets complicated: Beau died of cancer in 2015. Hallie subsequently had a romantic relationship with his younger brother (also a son of Neilia), Hunter, who was splitting up with his wife, Kathleen. (It’s not clear if the relationship with Hallie precipitated the divorce.) The Hallie-Hunter relationship reportedly is over.

Added ick factor? According to The Daily Mail, the elder Biden confessed that growing up in Wilmington, Delaware, he had a crush on Hallie’s mother, Joan.

“I was the Catholic kid. She was the Jewish girl. I still tried. I didn’t get anywhere,” Biden said at a Delaware Jewish event in 2015.

Biden-Begin did not go as well as Biden-Golda.

In 1982, Menachem Begin met with senators at the U.S. Capitol. The prime minister fumbled when asked about Israel’s recent Lebanon invasion, but rallied when Biden confronted him about West Bank settlement expansion and suggested that new settlements would undercut U.S. support for assistance for Israel. Biden reportedly banged the table as the exchange grew heated.

Begin’s reply has become lore among his followers.

“This desk is designed for writing, not for fists,” he said, according to an account written by a confidante just after Begin’s 1992 death. “Don’t threaten us with slashing aid. Do you think that because the U.S. lends us money it is entitled to impose on us what we must do? We are grateful for the assistance we have received, but we are not to be threatened. I am a proud Jew. Three thousand years of culture are behind me, and you will not frighten me with threats. ”

Biden was chastened enough that two years later he appeared at the annual conference of Herut Zionists of America (Herut was Begin’s original party) and blamed the impasse in Middle East peace on Saudi Arabia, Jordan and the Palestine Liberation Organization. Biden’s pledge then: “My first order of business in the new Senate will be to educate my colleagues on the financial sacrifices Israel has made as a result of Camp David.”

In 2010, a matured Biden figured out passive aggressiveness worked better than fist banging when it came to settlements. On a friendly visit to Israel, Biden was surprised to learn that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government had announced new building in eastern Jerusalem. Biden’s payback? He made Netanyahu wait 90 minutes for a dinner meeting.

He knows his audience.

Within two months in 2013, Vice President Biden spoke to AIPAC and then its bete noir, J Street, the liberal Jewish Middle East policy group. The thrust of his AIPAC speech at the beginning of March? Israeli leaders, including Netanyahu, want peace, and the Arabs need to step up.

“Israel’s own leaders currently understand the imperative of peace,” he said. “Prime Minister Netanyahu, Defense Minister Barak, President Peres — they’ve all called for a two-state solution and an absolute secure, democratic and Jewish state of Israel to live side by side with an independent Palestinian state. But it takes two to tango, and the rest of the Arab world has to get in the game.”

The thrust of his J Street speech, mid-April? Netanyahu was taking the country in the “wrong direction.”

“I firmly believe that the actions that Israel’s government has taken over the past several years — the steady and systematic expansion of settlements, the legalization of outposts, land seizures — they’re moving us and, more importantly, they’re moving Israel in the wrong direction,” he said.


Videoni tomosha qiling: Yahudiylarning sirli tarixiIsroil davlat tarixiFalastin va Isroil ortasidagi urush sabablari-DIN (Yanvar 2022).